AN ESTIMATE OF THE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES OF THE TIMES. By the AUTHOR of ESSAYS on the CHARACTERISTICS, &c.
Quamvis Pontica Pinus,
Silvae Filia nobilis,
Jactes & Genus & Nomen inutile.
The SECOND EDITION.
LONDON, Printed for L. DAVIS, and C. REYMERS, in
Holborn;
Printers to the ROYAL SOCIETY. MDCCLVII.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE
leading Principles,
which run thro' the following
Estimate,
make a small Part of a much more extensive Work, planned on the general Subject of
Manners.
In the mean time, the Writer thought it not amiss to offer his Sentiments on the present State and Situation of his Country, at a
Crisis
so important and alarming.
CONTENTS.
PART I.
A Delineation of the ruling Manners and Principles.
SECT. I.
The Design.
Page 11
SECT. II.
Of the Spirit of Liberty.
p. 17
SECT. III.
Of the Spirit of Humanity.
p. 20
SECT. IV.
Of the civil Administration of Justice.
p. 22
SECT. V.
Of the Ruling Manners of the Times.
p. 23
SECT. VI.
Of the Principles of Religion, Honour, and public Spirit.
p. 52
PART II.
Of the public Effects of these Manners and Principles.
SECT. I.
What constitutes the Strength of a Nation.
p. 71
SECT. II.
Of the national Capacity.
p. 73
SECT. III.
Of the national Spirit of Defence.
p. 87
SECT. IV.
Of the national Spirit of Union.
p. 102
SECT. V.
Of the Consequences of National Disunion.
Page 123
SECT. VI.
An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the
French
Nation, considered.
p. 134
SECT. VII.
Of the most probable Tendency of these Effects.
p. 142
PART III.
Of the Sources of these Manners and Principles.
SECT. I.
Of a general Mistake on this Subject.
p. 149
SECT. II.
Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on Manners.
p. 151
SECT. III.
Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the religious Principle.
p. 161
SECT. IV.
Of their Effects on the Principle of Honour.
p. 170
SECT. V.
Of their Effects on public Spirit.
p. 173
SECT. VI.
Farther Remarks on this Subject.
p. 175
SECT. VII.
A Review of the Argument.
p. 181
SECT. VIII.
An Objection considered.
p. 182
SECT. IX.
Another Objection considered.
p. 202
SECT. X.
Conclusion.
p. 209
PART I. A DELINEATION OF THE RULING MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART I. A DELINEATION OF The RULING MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.
SECT. I. THE DESIGN.
SUPERFICIAL, though zealous, Observers, think they see the Source of all our public Miscarriages in the particular and accidental Misconduct of Individuals. This is not much to be wondered at, because it is so easy a Solution.
THIS pretence, too, is plausibly urged upon the People by profligate Scribblers, who find their Account in it. It is a sort of Compliment paid the Public, to persuade them, that they have no Share in the Production of these national Misfortunes.
BUT a candid and mature Consideration will convince us, that the Malady lies deeper than what is commonly suspected: and, on impartial Enquiry, it will probably be found springing, not from varying and incidental, but from permanent and established Causes.
IT is the observation of the greatest of political Writers, that
"it is by no means Fortune that rules the World: for this we may appeal to the
Romans,
who had a long Series of Prosperities, when they acted upon a certain Plan; and an uninterrupted Course of Misfortunes, when they conducted themselves upon another. There are general Causes, natural or moral, which operate in every State; which raise, support, or overturn it
"Ce n'est pas la Fortune qui domine le Monde: on peut le demander aux Romains, qui eurent une suite continuelle des Prosperités quand ils se gouvernerent sur un certain Plan, & une suite non interrompue de revers lors qu'ils se conduisirent sur un autre. Il y a des Causes generales, soit morales, soit physiques, qui agissent dans chaque Monarchie, l'elevent, la maintiennent, ou la precipitent."
Grandeur,
&c,
des Romains,
c. 18.
."
AMONG all these various Causes, none perhaps so much contributes to raise or sink a Nation, as the Manners and Principles of its People. But as there never was any declining Nation, which had not Causes of Declension peculiar to itself, so it will require a minute Investigation into the leading Manners and Principles of the present Times, to throw a just Light on the peculiar Causes of our calamitous Situation.
To delineate these Manners and Principles without Aggravation or Weakness, to unravel their Effects on the public State and Welfare, and to trace them to their real though distant Sources, is indeed a Task of equal Difficulty and Importance.
IT may be necessary therefore to apologise even for the Attempt: as being supposed to lie beyond the Sphere of him who makes it. To this it can only be replied, that a common Eye may
possibly
discover a lurking Rock or Sand, while the able and experienced Mariners overlook the Danger, through their Attention to the Helm, the Sails, or Rigging.
HE will be much mistaken, who expects to find here a Vein of undistinguishing and licentious Satire. To rail at the Times at large, can serve no good Purpose; and generally ariseth from a Want of Knowledge or a Want of Honesty. There never was an Age or Nation that had not Virtues and Vices peculiar to itself: And in some Respects, perhaps, there is no Time nor Country delivered down to us in Story, in which a wise Man would so much wish to have lived, as in our own.
NOTWITHSTANDING this, our Situation seems most dangerous: We are rolling to the Brink of a Precipice that must destroy us.
AT such a Juncture, to hold up a true Mirroir to the Public, and let the Nation see
themselves
as the Authors of their own Misfortunes, cannot be a very popular Design. But as the Writer is not sollicitous about private Consequences, he can with the greater Security adopt the Words of an honest and sensible Man.
"MOST commonly, such as palliate Evils, and represent the State of Things in a sounder Condition than truly they are, do thereby consult best for themselves, and better recommend their own Business and Pretensions in the World: But he who, to the utmost of his Skill and Power, speaks the Truth, where the Good of his King and Country are concerned, will be most esteemed by Persons of Virtue and Wisdom: And to the Favour and Protection of such, these Papers are committed
Dr.
Davenant,
on Trade.
."
SECT. II. Of the Spirit of Liberty.
BEFORE we enumerate the concurrent Causes of our present Misfortunes and Decline; let us, by way of Contrast, muster the few remaining Virtues we have left; to which, in part, it is owing, that our Misfortunes are not heavier, and our Decline more rapid.
AMONG these, the first and most important, is the Spirit of Liberty. This, happily, still subsists among us: Not indeed in its genuine Vigour; for then, it would work its genuine effects. Yet, that the Love of Liberty is not extinguished, appears from the
united Voice
of a
divided People.
It still animates their Conversation, and invigorates their Addresses: tho' in their Conduct it appears no more. But it is remarkable, that in Proportion as this Spirit hath grown weak in
Deeds,
it hath gained Strength in
Words;
and of late run out, into unbounded License.
THIS, however, appears beyond a Doubt: that we all wish to continue free; tho' we have not the Virtue to secure our Freedom. The Spirit of Liberty is now struggling with the
Manners
and
Principles,
as formerly it struggled with the
Tyrants
of the Time. But the Danger is now greater, because the Enemy is
within;
working secretly and securely, and destroying all those
internal Powers,
from which alone an effectual Opposition can arise.
WHEREVER this Spirit of Liberty subsists in its full Vigour, the Vigilance and Power of impotent Governors are vain: A Nation can neither be surprised nor compelled into Slavery: When this is extinguished, neither the Virtue nor Vigilance of Patriots can save it. In the Reign of JAMES the Second,
Great Britain
was free, tho' a despotic Prince was on the Throne: At the Time when CESAR fell,
Rome
was still inslaved, tho' the Tyrant was no more.
THIS great Spirit hath produced more full and complete Effects in our own Country, than in any known Nation that ever was upon Earth. It appears indeed, from a Concurrence of Facts too large to be produced here, that whereas it hath been ingrafted by the Arts of Policy in other Countries, it shoots up here as from its natural Climate, Stock, and Soil. From this Distinction, if laid in Nature, two or three Consequences will fairly arise. Its Effects must, of course, be more vigorous and full. It's Destruction, by external Violence, will probably be no more than temporary. It's chief Danger must arise from such Causes, as may poison the Root; or attack, and destroy the natural Spirit itself: These must be such Causes, as can steal upon, and subdue the
Mind:
that is, they must be
"some Degeneracy or Corruption of the Manners and Principles of the People."
SECT. III. Of the Spirit of Humanity.
LET us now trace the Spirit of Liberty through such of its Effects, as are not yet destroyed by opposite Principles and Manners.
THE first that occurs, is
Humanity.
By this, is not meant that Smoothness and refined Polish of external Manners, by which the present Age affects to be distinguished: for this, it is apprehended, will belong to another Class. By
Humanity,
therefore, is meant,
"that Pity for Distress, that Moderation in limiting Punishments by their proper Ends and Measures, by which this Nation hath always been distinguished."
THE Lenity of our Laws in capital Cases; our Compassion for convicted Criminals; even the general Humanity of our Highwaymen and Robbers, compared with those of other Countries; these are concurrent Proofs, that the Spirit of Humanity is natural to our Nation.
THE many noble Foundations for the Relief of the Miserable and the Friendless; the large annual Supplies from voluntary Charities to these Foundations; the frequent and generous Assistance given to the Unfortunate, who cannot be admitted into these Foundations; all these are such indisputable Proofs of a national Humanity, as it were the highest Injustice not to acknowledge and applaud.
SECT. IV. Of the civil Administration of Justice.
ANOTHER Virtue, and of the highest Consequence, as it regards the immediate and private Happiness of Individuals, yet left among us, is the pure Administration of Justice, as it regards private Property.
MANY Causes may be assigned, for the Continuance of this public Blessing. The Spirit of Liberty and Humanity beget a Spirit of Equity, where no contrary Passion interferes: The Spirit of Commerce, now predominant, begets a kind of regulated Selfishness, which tends at once to the Increase and Preservation of Property. The Difficulty of corrupting Juries under the Checks of their present Establishment, in most Cases prevents the very Attempt. And the long-continued Example of a great Person on the Seat of Equity, hath diffused an uncorrupt Spirit through the inferior Courts, and will shine to the latest Posterity.
SECT. V. Of the Ruling Manners of the Times.
HAVING made this prefatory Estimate of those remaining Manners which may demand Esteem and Applause, let us now proceed to the ruling Manners of the Times; from which this Age and Nation derives its present and particular Complexion.
IT may be necessary to remark, that this designed Estimate extends not to the comparative Excellence of Manners and Principles, considered in every View, and in all their Variety of near and remote Effects. It relates not to the immediate Happiness or Misery, which Individuals, Families, or Nations, may derive from the Force of prevailing Principles and Manners. These Effects branch out into an Infinity of intricate Combinations, which cannot be comprehended in the present, but will make a material Part of some future Enquiry. This Estimate, therefore, confines itself to such Consequences only, as affect the
Duration
of the
public State:
So that the leading Question will be,
"How far the present ruling Manners and Principles of this Nation may tend to its Continuance or Destruction."
IN Consequence of this Restriction, the Manners and Principles of the common People will scarce find a Place in the Account. For though the Sum total of a Nations immediate Happiness must arise, and be estimated, from the Manners and Principles of the Whole; yet the Manners and Principles of those who
lead,
not of those who
are led;
of those who
govern,
not of those who
are governed;
of those, in short, who
make
Laws or
execute
them, will ever determine the Strength or Weakness, and therefore the Continuance or Dissolution, of a State.
FOR the blind Force or Weight of an ungoverned Multitude can have no steady nor rational Effect, unless some
leading Mind
rouse it into Action, and
point
it to it's proper
End:
without this, it is either a
brute
and random
Bolt,
or a
lifeless Ball
sleeping in the
Cannon:
It depends on some superior
Intelligence,
to give it both
Impulse
and
Direction.
INDEED, were the
People
remarkably corrupt, they might properly make a Part of this Enquiry: But in most of those important Circumstances to which this Estimate refers, they are in general much more irreproachable than their Superiors in Station; especially, if we except the lower Ranks of those who live in great Towns. It will therefore be unnecessary to mark the Character of their Principles or Manners, unless where they appear evidently poisoned by the Example or other Influence of the higher Ranks in Life.
Now the slighest Observation, if attended with Impartiality, may convince us, that the Character of the Manners of this Age and Nation, is by no means that of
abandoned Wickedness
and
Profligacy.
This Degree of Degeneracy, indeed, is often imputed to the Times: But, to what Times hath it
not
been imputed? Present Objects are naturally magnified to the human Eye, while remote ones, though larger in Dimensions, vanish into nothing. Hence the Speculative and Virtuous, in every Age, confining their Views to their own Period, have been apt to aggravate its Manners into the highest Degree of Guilt; to
satyrize,
rather than
describe;
to throw their respective Times into one dark Shade of
Horror,
rather than mark their peculiar
Colour
and
Complexion.
HERE, a large Field of Comparison and Debate would open, were it necessary or even expedient to enter upon it. We might cast our Eye upon the Manners of ROME, CARTHAGE, and many other States, in their last declining Period; where we should behold such tragic Scenes of Cruelty, Impiety, and Oppression, as would confound the most sanguine Advocate for the Manners of Antiquity. But, in Truth, there can be no Occasion for this Display of
Profligacy:
For if the previous Estimate, already given, be just; if the Spirit of
Liberty, Humanity,
and
Equity,
be in a
certain Degree
yet left among us, some of the most essential Foundations of abandoned Wickedness and Profligacy can have no Place: For these are
Servility, Cruelty,
and
Oppression.
How far we may be from this last Period of Degeneracy, it were Presumption to affirm: At present, it is certain, we are not arrived at it. Whenever this fatal Time approaches, it will come distinguished by its proper and peculiar Characters; and whoever shall estimate such Times, will find himself under the same Circumstance with the great Historian, who, in the profligate Period of declining ROME, tells us he had nothing to relate, but
"false Accusations, bloody Proscriptions, treacherous Friendships, and the Destruction of the Innocent
"Saeva jussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium."
Tacit. Annal.
l. iv.
."
THIS, we may truly affirm, is far from the Character of the Manners of our Times: which, on a fair Examination, will probably appear to be that of a
"vain, luxurious,
and
selfish
EFFEMINACY."
THIS will be evident from a simple Enumeration of acknowledged Facts: many of them indeed, in Appearance, too trite to merit Notice, and too trifling for Rebuke; were they not, in their Tendency, as fatal to the Stability of a Nation, as Maxims and Manners more apparently flagitious.
As the first Habits of Infancy and Youth commonly determine the Character of the Man, we might trace the Effeminacy of modern Manners, even to the unwholesome Warmth of a Nursery. As soon as the puny Infant is suffered to peep from this Fountain of
Weakness
and Disease, he is confirmed in the Habits already contracted, by a mistaken Tenderness and Care. The
"School Boy's Satchel, and shining Morning-Face,"
once the Characteristic of the Age itself, are now only to be seen among the Sons of Villagers and Peasants; while the Youth of Quality and Fortune is wrapt up from the wholesome Keenness of the Air: And thus becomes incapable of enduring the natural Rigours of his own Climate.
'TIS odds, indeed, but the Prevalence of Fashion places him in some public School, where the learned Languages are taught: And, to do Justice to the Times, the most considerable among these Seminaries were never more ably supplied than at present. But whatever be the Master's Ability, the Scholar's can in general reach no farther than to
Words;
this first Stage of Education, therefore, can only be preparatory to a higher; without which, the other is defeated of its Purpose.
HERE, then, lies an essential Defect in modern Education. The Pupil is not carried on from
Words
to
Things.
The
Universities,
where the Principles of
Knowledge
should be imbibed, are growing daily thinner of young Men of Quality and Fortune. Instead of being initiated in
Books,
where the Wisdom of Ages lies reposed, our untutored Youth are carried into the
World;
where the ruling Objects that catch the Imagination, are the Sallies of Folly or of Vice.
THUS like
Plants
hastily removed from their first Bed, and exposed to the Inclemencies of an unwholesome Air, without the Intervention of a higher and more enlarged
Nursery,
where stronger Shoots might be obtained, our rising Youth are checked in their
first Growths,
and either
die away
into Ignorance, or, at most, become
Dwarfs
in Knowledge.
BUT here, it must not be disguised; that an Abuse, through Time, hath insensibly crept upon the
Universities
themselves, and greatly impaired their Use and Credit. The public Fountains of Instruction are at length dried up; and the
Professorships,
founded as the Means of general Instruction, degenerated into gainful
Sine-cures.
Instead of these, where, by a proper Choice, every Department would naturally be filled with Ability in its respective Science; the
private
Lectures of
College-Tutors
have usurped and occupied their Place. Thus the great Lines of Knowledge are broken, and the Fragments retailed at all Adventures, by
every Member
of a College, who chuseth to erect himself into a
Professor of every Science.
What can be the Consequence of this Practice, but a
partial
and
superficial Instruction?
'Tis true, there are in this Sphere, who would do Honour to the highest Academical Station: But what an Accession of Lustre, Fame, and Knowledge, would our Universities receive, were these
few,
now confined to the narrow Sphere of
particular
Colleges, ordained and
appointed
to
illuminate
the
whole.
NEITHER would it reflect any Dishonour on our Universities, if the few young Men of Fashion yet found there, were laid under the same Restraints of moral and literary Discipline, with those of inferior Quality.
THE next Error that presents itself to Observation, is that of sending our ignorant Youth abroad. A Mind stored with Taste and Knowledge, will indeed naturally refine that Taste, and increase that Knowledge, by seeing and
judging
of foreign Countries. For thus he acquires a large Addition of new Experiences and Examples, which may confirm or rectify his prior Observations. On the contrary, we may affirm, with Truth, that no Circumstance in Education can more surely tend to strengthen Effeminacy and Ignorance, than the present premature, and indigested
Travel.
For as the uninstructed Youth must needs meet with a Variety of Example, good and bad, vile and praise-worthy, as his Manners are childish, and his Judgment crude, he will naturally imbibe what is most consentaneous with his puerile Habits. Thus, while Wisdom and Virtue can find no Place in him, every Foreign Folly, Effeminacy, or Vice, meeting with a correspondent Soil, at once take Root and flourish.
BUT suppose him
not
of that Rank or Fortune, which may demand or admit of the grand Tour; he is then brought up to
London,
and initiated in the Pleasures of the Metropolis. Here then let us view him, inspired with every fashionable Ambition; while we take an impartial Estimate of those Amusements, or rather Employments, which attract the Attention of the Town, and form the Genius and Character of the present and rising Generation.
THE first and capital Article of Town-Effeminacy is that of
Dress:
which, in all its Variety of modern Excess and Ridicule, is too low for serious Animadversion. Yet in this, must every Man of every Rank and Age employ his Mornings, who pretends to keep
good Company.
The wisest, the most virtuous, the most polite, if defective in these exterior and unmanly Delicacies, are avoided as
low People,
whom
Nobody knows,
and with whom one is
ashamed to be seen.
How would he have been derided in the Days of ELIZABETH, when a great Queen rode on Horseback to
St. Paul's,
who should have foretold, that in less than two Centuries no Man of Fashion would cross the Street to Dinner, without the effeminate Covering and Conveyance of an
easy Chair?
YET thus accoutred, the modern Man of Fashion is
conveyed
to Company. Whereever he goes, he meets the same false Delicacy in all: Every Circumstance of modern Use conspires to sooth him into the Excess of Effeminacy: Warm Carpets are spread under his Feet; warm Hangings surround him; Doors and Windows nicely jointed prevent the least rude Encroachment of the external Air.
VANITY lends her Aid to this unmanly Delicacy: Splendid Furniture, a sumptuous Side-board, a long Train of Attendants, an elegant and costly Entertainment, for which Earth, Air, and Seas, are ransacked, the most expensive Wines of the Continent, the childish Vagaries of a whimsical Desert, these are the supreme Pride of the Master, the Admiration or Envy of his Guests.
LUXURY is not idle in her Province, but shares with her Sister Vanity, in the Labours of the Day. High Soups and Sauces, every Mode of foreign Cookery that can quicken Taste, and spur the lagging Appetite, is assiduously employed. The End of Eating is not the allaying of natural Hunger, but the Gratification of fordid and debasing Appetite. Hence the most inflaming Foods, not those which
nourish,
but those which
irritate,
are adopted; while the cool and temperate Diets that purify the Blood, are banished to inferior Tables. To this every Man of Taste now aspires, as to the true
sçavoir vivre.
Do you expect in these fashionable Meetings, to hear some Point of Morals, Taste in Arts or Literature, discoursed or canvassed? Alas! these are long since expelled from every modish Assembly. To speak any thing that carries Weight and Importance, is an Offence against Goodbreeding. The supreme Elegance is, to trifle agreeably.
BUT as Insipidity of Conversation is soon worn out, and as Intemperance in Wine is not of the Character of refined Luxury; so, to prevent the Stagnation of Folly, some awakening Amusement is naturally sought for.
WE read in ancient Story, that in the most polished Court of the most refined Period, a Reward was proclaimed to him, who should invent a new Pleasure. This may justly be styled, the last wretched Efsort of bungling and despairing Luxury.—The great Desideratum is at length found: A Pleasure which absorbs the whole Man; a Pleasure in which there is no Satiety; which cloys not by Use, but gains new Vigour from Enjoyment. The Vulgar only can need to be informed, that the Pleasure here alluded to, is that of GAMING.
BUT as the present increasing Splendor of Dress, Equipage, Furniture, Enter—tainments, is enormously expensive; what can so naturally create a Lust of Gold, as the vain Ambition of Equality or Superiority in this System of effeminate Shew? Hence,
Rapacity
attends
Profusion;
till the Spirit of Avarice glides secretly into the Soul; and impels the Man of Fashion to that
Gaming,
as a
Trade,
which he had before adopted as a
Pleasure.
But as we read that CAESAR's Lust was only the
Servant
of his
Ambition,
so this Lust of Gold is no more than the
Handmaid
to vain
Effeminacy.
THUS we see
Gaming
established on the two great Pillars of
Self Interest
and
Pleasure:
and on these Foundations seems to rest the midnight Riot and Dissipation of modern Assemblies.
BUT tho' Gaming be now the capital Pleasure, as well as Trade, of most Men of Fashion; yet other incidental Amusements intervene at vacant Times. Neither can it be affirmed with Truth, that all are immersed in this fashionable Folly. Nor let any one imagine, that he stands clear of the ruling Manners of the Times, because not infected with the Rage of
Gaming.
Let us then proceed to examine the other reigning Amusements of the Age; and see how far they are, or are not, subject to the Charge of
unmanly
Delicacy.
A KNOWLEDGE of Books, a Taste in Arts, a Proficiency in Science, was formerly regarded as a proper Qualification, in a Man of Fashion. The Annals of our Country have transmitted to us the Name and Memory of Men, as eminent in Learning and Taste, as in Rank and Fortune. It will not, I presume, be regarded as any kind of Satire on the present Age, to say, that among the higher Ranks, this literary Spirit is generally vanished.
Reading
is now sunk at best into a Morning's
Amusement;
till the important Hour of Dress comes on. Books are no longer regarded as the Repositories of Taste and Knowledge; but are rather laid hold of, as a gentle Relaxation from the tedious Round of Pleasure.
BUT what kind of Reading must
that
be, which can attract or entertain the languid Morning-Spirit of modern Effeminacy? Any, indeed, that can but prevent the unsupportable Toil of
Thinking;
that may serve as a preparatory
Whet
of
Indolence,
to the approaching Pleasures of the Day. Thus it comes to pass, that weekly Essays, amatory Plays and Novels, political Pamphlets, and Books that revile Religion; together with a general
Hash
of these, served up in some
monthly Mess
of
Dulness,
are the meagre
literary Diet
of Town and Country.
TRUE it is, that amidst this general Defect of Taste and Learning, there is
a Writer,
whose Force of Genius, and Extent of Knowledge, might almost redeem the Character of the Times. But that Superiority, which attracts the Reverence of the
Few,
excites the Envy and Hatred of the
Many:
And while his Works are translated and admired
Abroad,
and patronized at
Home,
by those who are most distinguished in Genius, Taste, and Learning, himself is abused, and his Friends insulted for his Sake, by those who never read his Writings, or, if they did, could neither
taste
nor
comprehend
them: while every little aspiring or despairing Scribler eyes him as CASSIUS did CESAR, and whispers to his Fellow,
Why Man, he doth bestride the narrow World
Like a
Colossus;
and we petty Men
Walk under his huge Legs; and peep about,
To find ourselves dishonourable Graves.
No wonder then, if the Malice of the
Lilliputian
Tribe be bent against this dreaded GULLIVER; if they attack him with
poisoned Arrows,
whom they cannot subdue by
Strength.
BUT in Justice to the present Age, another Observation must be added. As Excess of Delicacy hath destroyed our
Force of Taste;
it hath at least had one laudable Effect: for along with this, it hath carried off our
Grossness
of
Obscenity.
A strong Characteristic, this, of the Manners of the Times: The untractable Spirit of Lewdness is sunk into gentle Gallantry, and
Obscenity
itself is grown
effeminate.
BUT what
Vice
hath lost in
Coarseness
of Expression, she hath gained in a more easy and general
Admittance:
In ancient Days,
bare
and
impudent Obscenity,
like a common Woman of the Town, was confined to
Brothels:
Whereas the
Double-Entendre,
like a modern fine Lady, is now admitted into the
best Company;
while her
transparent Covering
of Words, like a
thin
fashionable
Gawze
delicately thrown across,
discloses,
while it seems to
veil,
her
Nakedness
of Thought.
No wonder, if these leading Characters of false Delicacy influence our other Entertainments, and be attended with a low and unmanly Taste in
Music.
That divine Art, capable of inspiring every thing that is great or excellent, of rouzing every nobler Passion of the Soul, is at length dwindled into a Woman's or an Eunuch's effeminate Trill. The chaste and solemn Airs of CORELLI, of GEMINIANI, and their best Disciples; the divine and lofty Flights of CALDARA and MARCELLO; the elegant Simplicity of BONONCINI; the manly, the pathetic, the astonishing Strains of HANDEL, are neglected and despised: While instead of these, our Concerts and Operas are disgraced with the lowest Insipidity of Composition, and unmeaning
Sing-Song.
The Question now concerns not the Expression, the Grace, the Energy, or Dignity of the Musick: We go not to admire the
Composition,
but the
Tricks
of the
Performer;
who is then surest of our ignorant Applause, when he runs through the Compass of the
Throat,
or traverses the
Finger-board
with the
swiftest Dexterity.
WHILE
Music
is thus debased into Effeminacy, her Sister-Art of
Painting
cannot hope a better Fate: For the same Dignity of Manners must
support;
the same Indignity
depress
them. Connoisseurs there are, indeed, who have either
Taste
or
Vanity:
Yet even by these, the Art is considered as a Matter of
Curiosity,
not of
Influence;
a Circumstance which proves their Taste to be spurious, undirected, or superficial. But with regard to the public Eye; this is generally depraved. Neither the comic Pencil, nor the serious Pen of our ingenious Countryman
Mr.
Hogarth's
Treatise on the Principles of Beauty.
, have been able to keep alive the Taste of Nature, or of Beauty. The fantastic and grotesque have banished
both.
Every House of Fashion is now crowded with Porcelain Trees and Birds, Porcelain Men and Beasts, crosslegged Mandarins and Bramins, perpendicular Lines and stiff right Angles: Every gaudy
Chinese
Crudity, either in Colour, Form, Attitude, or Grouping, is adopted into fashionable Use, and become the Standard of Taste and Elegance.
LET us then search the Theatre for the Remains of manly Taste: And
here,
apparently at least, it must be acknowledged we shall find it. A great Genius hath arisen to dignify the Stage; who, when it was sinking into the lowest Insipidity, restored it to the Fulness of its ancient Splendor, and, with a Variety of Powers beyond Example, established
Nature, Shakespear,
and
Himself.
BUT as the Attractions of the Theatre arise from a Complication of Causes, beyond those of any other Entertainment; so while the judicious Critic admires his original Excellencies, it may well be questioned whether the Crowd be not drawn by certain secondary Circumstances, rather than by a Discernment of his real Powers. Need we any other Proof of this, than the Conduct of his fashionable Hearers? who sit with the same Face of Admiration at LEAR, an OPERA, or a PANTOMIME.
THESE seem to be the main and leading Articles of our unmanly Winter-Delicacies. And as to our Summer-Amusements, they are much of the same
Make,
only
lighter,
and if possible more
trifling.
As soon as the Season is grown so mild, as that the Man of Fashion can stir abroad, he is seen lolling in his
Post-Chariot,
about the Purlieus of the Town. The manly Exercise of
Riding
is generally disused, as too coarse and indelicate for the fine Gentleman. The Metropolis growing thin as the Spring advances, the same Rage of Pleasure, Dress, Equipage, and Dissipation, which in Winter had chained him to the Town, now drives him to the Country. For as a vain and empty Mind can never give Entertainment to itself; so, to avoid the Taedium of Solitude and Self-Converse,
Parties
of Pleasure are again formed; the same Effeminacies, under new Appearances, are acted over again, and become the
Business
of the Season. There is hardly a Corner of the Kingdom, where a
Summer Scene
of public
Dissipation
is not now established: Here the Parties meet till the Winter sets in, and the separate Societies are once more met in
London.
THUS we have attempted a simple Delineation of the ruling Manners of the Times: If any thing like Ridicule appears to mix itself with this Review, it ariseth not from the
Aggravation,
but the natural
Display
of
Folly.
IT may probably be asked, Why the ruling Manners of our Women have not been particularly delineated? The Reason is, because they are essentially the same with those of the Men, and are therefore included in this Estimate. The Sexes have now little other apparent Distinction, beyond that of Person and Dress: Their peculiar and characteristic Manners are confounded and lost: The one Sex having advanced into
Boldness,
as the other have sunk into
Effeminacy.
SECT. VI. Of Principles.
MOST Writers, who have attempted to prove the Efficacy of Principle, have supposed it to be the great and universal Fountain of Manners: They who have espoused the opposite System, observing this Theory to be at variance with Fact, have rashly concluded that Principle is void of all real Influence.
THE Truth seems to lie between these two Opinions. Principles cannot be the Fountain of Manners, because Manners precede Principles: That is, in our Progress from Infancy, Habits of
Acting
are
prior
to Habits of
Thinking.
Yet on the other Hand, Principles, early and deeply ingrafted in the Mind, may grow up with Manners; may be at variance with Manners; may yield to Manners; or, gathering Strength by Cultivation, may check, controll, or destroy them.
THIS Distinction is proper for many Reasons. One is evident: It shews the Propriety of treating of the Manners
first,
and
then
the Principles of the Times.
THE Principles here to be estimated, are such only as tend to counterwork the
selfish Passions.
These are, the Principle of
Religion,
the Principle of
Honour,
and the Principle of
public Spirit.
The first of these has the
Deity
for it's Object; the second, the
Applause
of Men; the third, the
Approbation
of
our own Heart.
Let us examine the present Influence of these several Principles on the Manners already delineated.
DID the Writer court the Applause of his polite Readers (if any such peradventure may honour him with their Regard) he would preface this Part of his Subject with an Apology, for the Rudeness of hinting at
religious Principle.
To suppose a Man of Fashion swayed in his Conduct by a Regard to
Futurity,
is an Affront to the Delicacy and Refinement of his
Taste.
Hence the Day set apart by the Laws of his Country for religious Service, he derides and affronts as a
vulgar
and
obsolete
Institutution: Should you propose to him the Renewal of that
Family Devotion,
which concluded the guiltless Evening Entertainments of his Ancestry? You would become an Object of his Pity, rather than Contempt. The sublime Truths, the pure and simple Morals of the Gospel, are despised and trod under foot. Can we wonder, if that Profession which asserts these Truths, and preaches these Morals, be treated with a similar Contempt? But Irreligion knows no Bounds, when once let loose: and Christianity herself hath been obliquely insulted within those
consecrated
Walls, where
Decency
and
Policy,
in the Absence of
Reason
and
Virtue,
would for ever have held her in
legal Reverence.
BUT notwithstanding the general Contempt of Religion among the fashionable World, the uninformed Reader is not to imagine, that the present Age is deep in the
Speculations
of
Infidelity.
No such Matter: for that would imply a certain
Attention
to these Subjects; a certain Degree of Self-Converse and Thought; and this would clash with the ruling Manners of the Times. Indeed there have not been wanting laborious Husbandmen, who have painfully sown their Tares; not in the Night Season, but in broad Day-light. These have at length shot up into a large and fruitful Crop of
irreligious implicit
FAITH: For implicit Faith is
Belief
or
Disbelief,
without Evidence; and
why
they disbelieve, I trow, few of the present Age can tell. They have other Attentions, than the meagre Sophisms of Irreligion; and are therefore well content with the
Conclusions,
without the
Premises.
This Distinction will lead us to the plain Reason, why in an Age of Irreligion, so capital a Book as the Writings of Lord BOLINGBROKE, met with so cold a Reception in the World. Had they appeared under the inviting Shape of
"ESSAYS
philosophical and moral,"
they might have come within the Compass of a Breakfast-reading, or amused the Man of Fashion while under the Discipline of the
curling Tongs:
But five
huge Quarto
Volumes (like five
coarse
Dishes of Beef and Mutton) tho' fraught with the very
Marrow
of Infidelity, what
puny
modern
Appetite
could possibly
sit down to?
IN Confirmation of these Truths, we may conclude this Part of our Subject with a not incurious Anecdote. A certain Historian of our own Times, bent upon
Popularity
and
Gain,
published a large Volume, and omitted no Opportunity that offered, to disgrace Religion: A large Impression was published, and a small Part sold. The Author being asked, why he had so larded his Work with Irreligion, his Answer modestly implied,
"He had done it, that his Book might sell."
—It was whispered him, that he had totally mistaken the Spirit of the Times: that no Allurements could engage the
fashionable
Infidel World to travel through a large Quarto: And that as the few Readers of Quarto's that yet remain, lie mostly among the serious Part of Mankind, he had offended his best Customers, and ruined the Sale of his Book. This Information had a notable Effect: for a second Volume, as large and instructive as the first, hath appeared; not a Smack of Irreligion is to be found in it; and an Apology for the
first
concludes the whole.
THIS being the State of religious Principle, let us next examine how it fares with the
Principle
of
Honour.
By this is meant,
"The Desire of Fame, or the Applause of Men, directed to the End of public Happiness."
Now this great Ambition, which in other Times or Nations hath wrought such wonderful Effects, is no longer to be found among us. It is the Pride of
Equipage,
the Pride of
Title,
the Pride of
Fortune,
or the Pride of
Dress,
that have assumed the Empire over our Souls, and levelled
Ambition
with the
Dirt.
The honest Pride of
Virtue
is
no more;
or, where it happens to exist, is overwhelmed by inferior Vanities. A Man who should go out of the common Road of Life, in Pursuit of Glory, and serve the Public at the Expence of his Ease, his Fortune, or his Pleasure, would be stared or laughed at in every fashionable Circle, as a silly Fellow, who meddled with Things that did not belong to him: As an Ideot, who preferred Shadows to Realities, and needless Toil to pleasurable Enjoyment. The laurel Wreath, once aspired after as the highest Object of Ambition, would now be rated at the Market-price of its Materials, and derided as a
three-penny Crown.
And if its modern Substitutes, the
Ribbon
or the
Coronet,
be eagerly sought for, it is not that they are regarded as the
Distinctions
of
public Virtue,
but as the
Ensigns
of
Vanity
and
Place.
BUT what implies or proves the general Extinction of the Principle of Honour, is a peculiar Circumstance, which at first View seems to challenge Praise. It hath been weakly attributed to the moderate and forgiving Spirit of these Times, that no Age ever so patiently suffered its ruling Follies to be laughed at. But this, in truth, is a superficial and inadequate Representation, as well as Solution, of the Fact. We not only suffer our ruling Vices and Follies to be ridiculed, but we cordially join in the Laugh. Was there ever a juster Picture drawn, than of modern
Effeminacy
and
Nonchalance
in the Characters of FRIBBLE and Lord CHALKSTONE? Did ever dramatic Characters raise louder Peals of Laughter and Applause, even among those who sat for the Likeness? They hear with Pleasure, they acknowledge the Truth of the Representation, they laugh at the Picture of their own Follies; they go home, and
without a Blush repeat them.
The Truth is, therefore, that we can see and own our Vices and Follies,
without being touched with Shame:
a Circumstance which ancient Times justly regarded as the strongest Indication of degenerate and incorrigible Manners.
IT appears then, that the Principle of Honour is either lost, or totally corrupted: That no generous Thirst of Praise is left among us: That our Ambitions are trifling and unmanly as our Pleasures: That Wealth, Titles, Dress, Equipage, Sagacity in Gaming or Wagers, splendid Furniture and a Table, are the sole Fountains, from which we desire to draw Respect to ourselves, or Applause from others: We aspire to Folly, and are proud of Meanness: Thus, the Principle of
Honour
is perverted, and dwindled into
unmanly Vanity.
CAN it be imagined, that, amidst this general Defect of
Religion
and
Honour,
the great and comprehensive Principle of
public Spirit,
or
Love of our Country,
can gain a Place in our Breasts? That mighty Principle, so often feigned, so seldom possessed; which requires the united Force of upright
Manners,
generous
Religion,
and unfeigned
Honour,
to support it. What Strength of Thought or conscious Merit can there be in effeminate Minds, sufficient to elevate them to this Principle, whose Object is,
"the Happiness of a Kingdom?"
To speak therefore without Flattery, this Principle is perhaps less felt among us, than even those of Religion and true Honour. So infatuated are we in our Contempt of this powerful Principle, that we deride the Inhabitants of a
Sister-Kingdom,
for their
national Attachments
and
Regards.
So little are we accustomed to go, or even
think,
beyond the beaten Track of private Interest, in all Things that regard our
Country;
that he who merely does his
Duty
in any conspicuous Station, is looked on as a Prodigy of public Virtue. But in other Times and Nations, when this Principle was in Force, Enterprises were formed, and Deeds done, which it would now be thought Phrenzy to attempt. Think what a Friend will do for a Friend; a Sister for a Brother, a Lover for his Mistress, a Parent for his Child; even
that,
in all its Fulness of Affection, in other Times and Nations, hath been the Aim and the Work of public Virtue,
doing
or
suffering
for its
Country's Welfare.
DOMESTIC Affections are not yet generally extinguished: There are kind Fathers, kind Mothers, affectionate Children, Sisters, Brothers: Humanity to Distress, we have already marked as another Character of the Times: But whether our very Effeminacy be not one of its Sources, might probably be a Question more
curious
in its Progress, than
agreeable
in its Solution.
HOWEVER that be, let us be modest in our Claims, and confess, that our Affections seldom reach farther than our Relations, our Friends, or Individuals in Distress. Happy (in the present) it is for us, that they reach so far. Happy were it for us, or our Posterity, that they were of more inlarged Extent. In the mean Time, let us with due Abasement of Heart acknowledge, that the
Love
of our
Country
is no longer felt; and that, except in a few Minds of uncommon Greatness, the Principle of
public Spirit
EXISTS NOT.
IT is not affirmed or implied, in this general Review, that
every Individual
hath assumed the Garb and Character of false Delicacy, and uncontrouled Self-Love: As in
manly
Ages, some will be
effeminate;
so, in
effeminate
Times, the
manly
Character will be found: As in Times of Principle, some will be void of Principle; so, in Times when Principle is derided, in some superior Minds Principle will be found. But from the general Combination of Manners and Principles, in every Period of Time, will always result one ruling and predominant Character; as from a confused Multitude of different Voices, results one general Murmur, and strikes the distant Ear; or from a Field covered with Flocks, Herds, or Armies, though various in themselves, results one general and permanent Colour, and strikes the distant Eye:
Nam saepe in Colli tendentes pabula laeta
Lanigerae reptant Pecudes, quo quamque vocantes
Invitant Herbae gemmantes Rore recenti;
Et satiati Agni ludunt, blandeque coniscant:
Omnia quae nobis
longe confusa
videntur,
Et veluti in viridi
Candor consistere
Colli
Lucretius, l. ii.
.
IT is enough, then, if from a proper
Point of View,
we have fixed the
ruling Colour
of the Manners and Principles, for on this will depend the
ruling Character
of the
Times.
AS it appears, therefore, from this Delineation, that SHOW and PLEASURE are the main Objects of Pursuit: As the general Habit of
refined Indulgence
is
strong,
and the Habit of
induring
is
lost:
As the general Spirit of
Religion, Honour,
and
publick Love,
are weakened or vanished; as these Manners are therefore left to their own Workings, uncontrouled by
Principle;
we may with Truth and Candour conclude, that the ruling Character of the present Times is that of
"a
vain, luxurious,
and
selfish
EFFEMINACY."
PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF These MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.
SECT. I. What constitutes the Strength of a Nation.
HITHERTO we have done little more than
delineate
the ruling Manners and Principles of the Times: we must now assume a severer Tone, and
reason
upon the
Facts
thus established.
THERE are three leading Circumstances on which the
internal Strength
of every Nation most essentially depends: These are, the
Capacity, Valour,
and
Union,
of those who
lead
the People. The first may be called,
"the
national Capacity;
the second the
national Spirit of Defence;
the third, the national
Spirit of Union."
THE next Step, therefore, will be, to consider all that Variety of Respects, in which the ruling Manners and Defect of Principle, already delineated, must naturally weaken or destroy these Sources of
internal
Power.
As this Enquiry will of course lead to a particular View of those several Ranks, Departments, Employments, or Professions, into which such a Nation is divided; it is presumed, that no Instances alledged, or Facts alluded to, will be weakly construed into the Wantonness of licentious Satire. Every Profession is honourable, when directed to its proper End, the Publick Welfare: And the Intention of this Estimate is not to
defame;
but to
enquire
how far the several
Departments
or
Professions,
on which the internal Strength of this Nation depends, are
properly
or
improperly
directed.
SECT. II. Of the national Capacity.
LET us then first enquire, how far the false Delicacy and Effeminacy of present Manners may have weakened or destroyed the
national Capacity.
IT was a shrewd Observation of a good old Writer,
"How can he get Wisdom, whose Talk is of Bullocks
Book of Wisdom.
?"
But
Rusticity
is not more an Enemy of Knowledge, than
Effeminacy:
With the same Propriety therefore it may now be asked,
"How can he get Wisdom, whose Talk is of
Dress
and
Wagers, Cards
and
Borough-jobbing, Horses, Women,
and
Dice?"
The Man of Fashion is indeed cut off from the very Means of solid Instruction. His late Hours occasion a late rising; and thus the Morning, which should be devoted to the Acquisition of
Knowledge,
is devoted to
Sleep,
to
Dress,
and
Ignorance.
HOW weak then must be the national Capacity of that People, whose leading Members in
public Employ
should, in general, be formed on such a Model? If instead of a general Application to Books, instead of investigating the great Principles of
Legislation,
the Genius of their national Constitution, or its Relations and Dependencies on that of others, the great Examples and Truths of
History,
the Maxims of generous and upright
Policy,
and the severer Truths of
Philosophy,
on which all these are founded;—if instead of these, they should seldom rise in
political
Study higher than the securing of a
Borough;
instead of
History,
be only read in
Novels;
instead of
Legislation,
in
Party Pamphlets;
instead of
Philosophy,
in
Irreligion;
instead of manly and upright
Manners,
in trifling
Entertainments, Dress,
and
Gaming:—
If this should ever be their ruling Character, what must be expected from such established
Ignorance,
but
Errors
in the first Concoction?
IN a Nation thus circumstanced, it is odds but you would see even some of its most public and solemn Assemblies turned into Scenes of unmanly Riot; instead of the
Dignity
of
Freedom,
the
Tumults
of
Licentiousness
would prevail. Forwardness of young Men without Experience, intemperate Ridicule, dissolute Mirth, and loud Peals of Laughter, would be the ruling Character of such an Assembly.
THIS Reflexion, some how or other, calls up the Memory of a Circumstance or two, peculiar to the public Meetings of the
Athenians.
In the Court of
Areopagus,
so little was
Ridicule
regarded as a
Test of Truth,
that it was held an unpardonable Offence, for any Member to
laugh
while the Assembly was sitting.—Another wise and prudent Regulation was the Practice of the
Cryer
in the
Senate;
who, before Business began, called out aloud,
"Who will speak that is turned of Fifty?"
IT is true, that in every Assembly of this Kind, the public Measures will generally be determined by the
Few,
whose Superiority is approved and acknowledged: By the
Few,
who have been so unfashionable as to despise the ruling System of Effeminacy: and before they had appeared on a
higher Stage,
had
laboured
and
shone
in a
College.
But what an Increase of
national Capacity
must arise, if those
Master-Spirits
were aided, and their Plans of Government examined and improved, by Men of the like
Application
and
Ability?
BUT if, in any Nation, the Number of these superior Minds be daily decreasing, from the growing Manners of the Times; what can a Nation, so circumstanced, have more to fear, than that in another Age, a general Cloud of Ignorance may overshadow it?
How much, or how little, in this Particular,
we
resemble the declining State of the
Roman
Republic, let any one determine from the following Passage: Where the great Author, after celebrating the general
Ability
of those who were
formerly
in public Station, concludes thus:
"Nunc contra, plerique ad honores adipiscendos, et ad rempublicam gerendam,
nudi
veniunt atque
inermes,
nulla cognitione rerum, nulla scientia ornati
Cic. de Oratore, l. iii.
."
LET us next consider the natural Effects of these effeminate Manners, on
Fleets
and
Armies.
And here, 'tis supposed, it will be readily acknowledged, that the Conduct and Fate of Fleets and Armies depend much on the Capacity of those that lead them, through every Rank of Office. Chiefly, indeed, of those who are
highest
in Command; but in Part too, of those who fill the
lower
Stations: the more, because they in inferior Rank
aspire,
and by Degrees
ascend,
to the highest.
Now, I apprehend, it would be ill taken, to
suppose,
that the fashionable and
prevailing Manners
abound not in the
Army
and
Navy.
The Gentlemen of these Professions are even
distinguished
by their Taste in
Dress,
their Skill at
Play,
their Attendance on every
Amusement,
provided it be but
fashionable.
And sure, it must be by Miracle, if this trifling and effeminate Life conduct them to
Knowledge,
or produce
Capacity.
It were unjust to deny, that Men of Ability in this Order, are
yet
among us. But it would be Matter of great Pleasure and Expectation to the Public, to find
Ignorance,
in this
Profession,
either
uncommon
or
disgraceful.
WOULD these Gentlemen please to look into History, they would find, that in
polished Times,
few have ever distinguished themselves in
War,
who were not eminent or considerable in
Letters.
They would find PISISTRATUS, PERICLES, ALCIBIADES, DION, AGESILAUS, EPAMINONDAS, among the
Greeks:
in the
Roman
List, both the SCIPIO'S, CATO the elder and the younger, LUCULLUS, POMPEY, BRUTUS, CESAR, distinguished in
Letters
as in
War.
'TIS true, indeed, that in barbarous Ages, there want not Instances of unlearned Leaders, who have done mighty Actions in Battle. But we must observe, that these were, at least, practised in their own Profession. It is farther to be observed, that in such Times, the Fate of War depends little on
Stratagem
or
Discipline.
But it is chiefly to be observed, that no general Rule can be drawn from a few Instances. A Man of great natural Talents takes mighty Strides in any Science or Profession: He is self-taught: While the common Run of Men, whom Nature hath destined to travel on to Improvement by the beaten Track of Industry, through a blind and ill-understood Imitation of his superior Conduct, must for ever fall the Victims of their
Vanity
and
Ignorance.
HERE then we find another ruling Defect in the national Capacity of an effeminate People. How few can arise, amidst this general
Dissipation
of Manners, capable of conducting its Fleets and Armies? Or even suppose a Man of Application and Ability possessed of the chief Command; yet, in Case he falls in Battle, how small must be the Chance that the next in Succession, upon whom his Command naturally devolves, can be
equal
to the Importance of his
new Station?
THERE is another
Profession,
which, under this Article of the
national Capacity,
the vulgar Reader will naturally expect to find considered. I mean, that of the
Clergy.
But the general Defect of religious Principle among the higher Ranks, hath rendered this order of Men altogether useless, except among those in
middle Life,
where they still maintain a certain Degree of Estimation. The Contempt with which not
they,
but their
Profession
is treated by the
Ignorant
and
Profligate,
is equally common indeed to
high
and
low
Life: A Circumstance, which may be an Occasion of
Pride
in the
one,
but ought rather to be Matter of
Humiliation
to the other. 'Tis true, a modern Writer felicitates the present Times, and makes it their Boast, that
"the Clergy have lost their Influence
See Mr.
Hume's
Essays.
."
By which he evidently means, that Religion hath lost its Influence. Yet of this, at least, one of the Order may decently remind his Countrymen; that when the
English Protestant Clergy,
and that Christianity which they teach, were most
honoured
and respected at
Home, England
was then most honoured and respected
Abroad.
AND although the present fashionable Contempt that is thrown upon their
Profession,
preclude the Clergy from the
Opportunity,
had they the
Will,
to practice that Christian Duty of
"overcoming Evil with Good;
yet they need not blush to find, that they have
fallen
with the
Fame,
the
Manners,
and
Principles
of their Country: nor can the worthy Part of them, sure, aspire to
truer Glory,
than to have become the
Contempt
of
those,
who are become the
Contempt of
EUROPE.
BUT while I defend and
honour
the
Profession,
I mean not to flatter the
Professors.
As far, therefore, as the Influence of
their
Conduct and Knowledge can be supposed to affect the
national Capacity;
so far, they seem falling into the same unmanly and effeminate Peculiarities, by which their Contemporaries are distinguished: Such of them, I mean, as have Opportunity of conversing with what is called
the World,
and are supposed to make a Part of it. In their Conduct, they
curb not,
but
promote
and encourage the trifling Manners of the Times: It is grown a fashionable thing, among these Gentlemen, to despise the Duties of their Parish; to wander about, as the various Seasons invite, to every Scene of false Gaiety; to
frequent
and
shine
in all
public
Places, their own
Pulpits
excepted.
OR if their Age and Situation sets them above these puerile Amusements, are we not to lament, that, instead of a manly and rational Regard to the Welfare of Mankind, the chief Employment of many a clerical Life is, to slumber in a
Stall,
haunt
Levees,
or follow the gainful Trade of
Election-jobbing?
IF false Pleasure and Self-Interest thus take Possession of the Heart, how can we expect that a Regard for Religion and Christianity should find a
Place
there?
IN Consequence of these ruling Habits, must we not farther lament, that a general Neglect of
Letters
is now creeping even upon this Profession, which ought to maintain and support them? Instead of launching into the
Deeps
of Learning, the fashionable
Divine
hardly ventures on the
Shallows.
The great Works of
Antiquity,
the Monuments of ancient Honour and Wisdom, are seldom
opened
or
explored:
and even mere
modern
Books are now generally read at
second Hand,
through the false Mediums of bald
Translations
or sorry
Abstracts.
THIS seems to be the real State of the
clerical
Profession, so far as it hath Influence on the
national Capacity.
THE Writer pretends not in any Case to impose his Opinions; but submits them to the Consideration of the Public. There is a wide Difference between the
Remonstrances
of
Reason,
and the
Insults
of
Malice
or
Contempt.
SECT. III. Of the national Spirit of Defence.
HAVING seen how the Manners of the Times have levelled the national
Capacity;
let us next enquire how it fares with the national Spirit of
Defence.
As this Part of our Subject naturally involves a larger Number of the Community than the last, it will be necessary, here, to take a larger Compass.
THE national Spirit of
Defence
then, to speak with Precision, will always be compounded of the national bodily
Strength, Hardiness, Courage,
and
Principle.
THE
common People
of this Nation seem possessed of the
three
first of these four Qualities, in a Degree sufficient to form an effectual and national Spirit of Defence. And though they who are selected for public
Service
be commonly most
profligate
in Manners, yet as their
Sphere
of Action is
confined,
they commonly have a proportioned
kind of Principle,
which works its Effect in Battle. In the Land Service, they are zealous for the
Honour
of their
Platoon,
their
Company,
their
Regiment.
At Sea, there is the same Emulation, whose
Gun,
whose
Ship,
whose
Squadron,
shall be best
served
and
fought.
It is well known there are no better fighting Men upon Earth. They seldom turn their Backs upon their Enemy, unless when their Officers shew the Way; and even then, are easily rallied; and return to the Charge with the same Courage.
THUS our
Villages
and
Ports
are an effectual Fund of Supplies for the national Spirit of Defence, in its inferior Departments.
BUT if we rise, or rather
descend,
to an impartial View of those who are called the
better Sort,
we shall find such a general Defect in the Spirit of
Defence,
as would alarm any People who were not lost to all Sense of
Danger.
OUR effeminate and unmanly Life, working along with our Island-Climate, hath notoriously produced an Increase of
low Spirits
and
nervous Disorders,
whose natural and unalterable Character is that of
Fear.
AND even where this Distemper
is not,
the present false Delicacy of the fashionable World effectually disqualifies them from
enduring Toil,
or
facing Danger.
ENTHUSIASTIC Religion leads to
Conquests;
rational Religion leads to rational
Defence;
but the modern Spirit of
Irreligion
leads to
rascally
and abandoned
Cowardice.
It quenceth every generous Hope that can enlarge the Soul; and levels Mankind with the Beasts that perish.
CAN the Debility of modern Honour produce the manly Spirit of Defence? Alas, if ever it is put in Action by any thing beyond the
Vanity
of
Shew;
it is rouzed by an
Affront,
and dies in a
Duel.
How far this dastard Spirit of Effeminacy hath crept upon us, and destroyed the national Spirit of Defence, may appear from the general
Panic
the Nation was thrown into, at the late
Rebellion.
When those of every Rank above a Constable, instead of arming themselves and encouraging the
People,
generally fled before the
Rebels;
while a Mob of ragged Highlanders marched unmolested to the Heart of a populous Kingdom.
NAY, so general was this cowardly and effeminate Spirit, that it was not confined to the
Friends
of Liberty and
Britain:
In
England,
it infected even their
Enemies:
who, while the hardy
Scots
risqued their Lives in a strange Country, amidst the Inclemencies of a severe Season, sat like Cowards by the Chimney Corner, tamely wishing the Success of that Mischief, which their effeminate Manners durst not propagate.
IT hath been urged indeed, as a Proof that the national Spirit of Defence is not yet extinguished, that we raised such large Sums during that Rebellion, and still continue such plentiful Supplies for the Support of our Fleets and Armies. This is weak Reasoning: For will not
Cowardice,
at least as soon as
Courage,
part with a Shilling or a Pound, to avoid
Danger?
The capital Question therefore still remains,
"Not who shall
Pay,
but who shall
Fight?"
MONEY, it is true, hath of late more than ever, been among
us
regarded as the main
Engine of War:
How truly, let our
Successes
tell the World.—This Point will hereafter be treated more at large
See Part the Third.
. In the mean Time, it cannot be amiss to observe, that a
little
of the active
Spirit
of
Courage
would do well, in order to
give Play
to this boasted
Engine,
which otherwise may sink into a
dead
and
unactive Mass.
FOR a natural Display, therefore, of the Genius of the Times, commend me to the frank Declaration of an
honest
Gentleman, during the impending Terror of a
French
Invasion.
"For my Part, I am no
Soldier;
and therefore think it no Disgrace, to own myself
a Coward. Here
is my Purse, at the Service of my Country: If the
French
come,
I'll pay:
but—take me,
if I fight."
HOW many modern fine Gentlemen, notwithstanding the warlike Weapon at their Side, would make the same
Declaration,
had they the same
Sincerity?
THERE is another Circumstance in modern Manners, the Consideration of which must not be omitted because at first View it bids fair for the Spirit of Defence among the
Great:
I mean, the Spirit of
deliberate Self-murder:
For this ran high in ancient GREECE and ROME, when the Spirit of
Defence
was
strong.
FOR the clearing of this Point, it must be premised and confessed, that something
like
the Principle of
Honour,
that is, the
Dread
of
Infamy
and
Shame,
appears the leading Motive in both Instances.
BUT a farther Dictinction is to be made, with Regard to the different Objects of this
Fear:
And for this, we must refer to a former Section *. There we have seen, that the ruling
Pride
of a
modern
man of Fashion, lies in the Parade of
Dress, Gaming, Entertainments,
and
Equipage:
whereas, on the contrary, the
Ambition
of an old
Roman,
was, to excel in
military Virtue.
Now this Dictinction at once clears up the Question we are upon, and confirms much of what hath been advanced on modern Principles and Manners. The
Roman
killed himself, because he had been unfortunate in
War;
the
Englishman,
because he hath been unfortunate at
Whist:
The
old
Hero, because he had
disgraced
his
Country;
the
modern,
because he dares not shew his Head at
Arthur's:
That,
Part i. Sect 6.
because he was deprived of his
Glory;
this, of his
Ortolans
and
Champaigne:
The first was encouraged by a
mistaken
Principle of Religion; the latter, by his being
void
of all Religion: The one, because he had lost a
Battle
or a
Province;
the other, because the Bailiff hath seized his
Equipage:
The
Roman
was impelled to
Self-Destruction
by the Strength of
warlike Honour;
the
Briton,
by
despicable
and
effeminate Vanity.
WHERE then shall we seek for the genuine Spirit of Defence? Where, in Truth, should we most seek for it, but among those who are our
Defenders
by
Profession?
BUT,
"what Probability is there, that the Spirit of Defence should be strong in any Profession, when the Members of that Profession are all chosen, without prior Culture or Preparation, from a People among whom the Spirit of Defence is lost?"
The Truth implied in this Question is so evident in itself, that it is hard to go about to prove it. Can a mere Change of
Dress
or
Title,
or the buckling on a military
Weapon,
infuse Strength, Hardiness, Courage, or Honour? These are Qualities that must either be natural, which seldom happens; or they must be infused by an early and continued Discipline; or else, they come not at all. Schools and Seminaries of this Kind we have none; or none that are in any Degree attended to. The young Men designed for the military Profession are bred up to the same effeminate Maxims and Manners, which their Fathers are proud of: Can we wonder, if these shoot into Action, and form parallel Characters? Well might we wonder if they
did not.
SO then, if it appear by our present Success in War, that our naval and military Spirit of Defence is strong, it must be evident at the same Time, that this great Spirit is infused by some Means altogether supernatural.
IN the mean Time, what becomes of the four great natural Hinges, on which the true Spirit of Defence must hang,
Strength, Hardiness, Courage,
and
Principle?
CAN the modern System of false Delicacy nerve the Warrior with Hardiness and Strength? These Qualities, I believe, are hardly
boasted,
as making any Part of the modern warlike Character. It is a prudent as well as a modest Part, indeed, not to throw these rough and antiquated Weights into the present military Scale: For every common Eye would detect the false Pretension.
BUT tho' brutal Strength and unpolished Hardiness be gone, are not our
Army
and
Navy
the great
Schools
of
Courage
and
Honour;
where these shining Qualities are of Course obtained?—Truly, it hath long been so affirmed: So long, that the
Affirmation
hath, till of late, passed for
Proof.
But the Nation is now beginning to grow
sceptical
in this Point; and require something more than
Affirmation,
for the Support of an Article of such
Importance.
LET us first weigh the Probability of this, from the Nature of Things and Men. True
Courage
and a Principle of
Honour,
if they be not the rare and generous Growths of
Nature,
are the Effect of
early
and
continued Habits.
Tho'
grown
Gentlemen may learn to
Dance;
yet, their Movements will be none of the most
graceful:
And tho' grown Gentlemen repair to the School of Courage and Honour: yet, with all their pre-conceived Maxims of false Delicacy, their trifling Ambitions, and effeminate Manners about them, I ween, they are like to make a
sorry Progress.
Long before this, the Mind hath taken its
decisive Cast
of
Thought,
and can but rarely be brought back from its first
Obliquities.
BUT suppose the Possibility of this sudden Infusion: It is to be feared, the Consequence would fail us. It is true, that when
Armies
take the
Field,
and
Fleets
put to
Sea;
when Sieges are undertaken, and Battles fought, and Glory is the Prize of Toil and Danger;—then indeed, Armies and Navies become the Schools of Courage and warlike Honour: Here is a strong and continued Bias put upon the Mind of every Individual, of Force to conquer it's earliest Obliquities. But where nothing of this happens; where
Land Officers
in the Capital are occupied in
Dress, Cards,
and
Tea;
and in Country Towns divide their Time between Milleners
Shops
and
Taverns;
and
Sea Officers,
even in Time of War, instead of annoying the Enemies Fleets, are chiefly busied in the gainful Trade of catching
Prizes;—
in such a Case, the Army must of necessity be the
School,
not of
Honour,
but
Effeminacy;
the
Navy
the School of
Avarice,
to the
Ends of Effeminacy.
HOW far these general Reasonings are confirmed by a Series of
recent Events,
the World is left to judge. It is not the Writer's Intention to make personal Applications, but to trace acknowledged
Facts
to their
Principles
and
Consequences.
SECT. IV. Of the national Spirit of Union.
THESE accumulated Proofs may convince us, that the national Spirit of
Defence
is not less weakened than the national
Capacity,
by the Manners and Principles of the Times. Let us next weight their various Effects on the national Spirit of
Union.
IT may be proper to preface this Part of the Estimate, by observing, that whereas a national
Capacity
and Spirit of
Defence
are not necessarily affected by a national Form of
Government;
the national Spirit of
Union,
on the contrary, is naturally
strong
under
some
Forms, and naturally
weak
under
others.
IT is naturally
strong
in
absolute Monarchies;
because, in the Absence both of Manners and Principles, the
compelling
Power of the
Prince
directs and draws every thing to one Point; and therefore, in all common Situations, effectually supplies their Place.
BUT in
free Countries
it is naturally
weak,
unless supported by the generous Principles of Religion, Honour, or public Spirit: For as in most Cases, a full national Union will require, that the separate and partial Views of private Interest be in some Degree sacrificed to the general Welfare; so where Principle prevails not, the national Union must ever be thwarted or destroyed by selfish Views and separate Interests.
ANOTHER Circumstance must be remarked, by which, in free Countries, the national Union will accidentally be often checked, but not destroyed: I mean, by the Freedom of
Opinion
itself, urged into Act by the very Strength of generous and prevailing
Principle.
THIS Distinction leads us to observe what may perhaps be deemed an Over-fight or Inaccuracy of the celebrated MONTESQUIEU. He hath often given it as his Opinion, that
Factions
are not only natural, but necessary to
free
Governments: And this general Rule he gives without Restriction. Thus he speaks of
Rome.
"On n'entend parler dans les auteurs, que des divisions qui perdirent Rome: mais on ne voit pas que ces Divisions y étoient
necessaires,
qu'elles y avoient toujours été, & qu'elles y
devoient toujours etre
Grandeur des Rom. l. ix.
."
How far this Proposition is
true
or
false,
the Distinction made above will lead us to discover. When the Spirit of Union is checked, and Divisions arise, from the Variety and
Freedom
of
Opinion
only; or from the contested Rights and Privileges of the different Ranks or Orders of a State, not from the detached and selfish Views of Individuals; a Republic is then in its
Strength,
and gathers Warmth and Fire from these Collisions. Such was the State of ancient
Rome,
in the simpler and more disinterested Periods of that Republic.
BUT when Principle is weakened and Manners lost, and Factions run high from selfish Ambition, Revenge, or Avarice, a Repubiic is then on the very Eve of its Destruction: And such was the State of Rome, in the Times of MARIUS and SYLLA, POMPEY and CESAR, ANTHONY and AUGUSTUS.
THEREFORE, before we can determine whether the
Factions
that divide a
free
Country be
salutary
or
dangerous,
it is necessary to know what is their
Foundation
and their
Object.
If they arise from
Freedom
of Opinion, and aim at the public Welfare, they are
salutary:
If their Source be
selfish
Interest, of what kind soever; they are then
dangerous
and
destructive.
IT was necessary to make these Distinctions, before we could say with Precision, how far, in our own Country, a
national Spirit of Union,
is in reality a
national
GOOD.
THE Point therefore to be examined, is,
"how far our national Spirit of Union is weakened or destroyed by selfish Views of Good, by separate Interests, and Defect of Principle?"
Now, if the Delineation already given of our ruling Manners and Principles be true, the Consequence must needs follow, that our national Spirit of Union must be shaken by them.
NEITHER shall we need to cast about, for evident Facts that will confirm this Theory. Glaring Proofs will meet us at every Turn; and not only make good this Conclusion, but throw new Light on the Delineation already made.
THE Restraints laid on the royal Prerogative at the Revolution, and the Accession of Liberty thus gained by the People, produced two Effects with Respect to Parliaments. One was that, instead of being
occasionally,
they were thence-forward
annually
assembled: The other was, that whereas on any trifling Offence given, they had been usually
intimidated
or
dissolved,
they now found themselves possessed of new
Dignity
and
Power;
their Consent being necessary for raising the
annual Supplies.
NO Body of Men, except in the simplest and most virtuous Times, ever found themselves possessed of Power, but many of them would attempt to turn it to their own private Advantage. Thus the Parliaments finding themselves
of Weight,
and finding at the same Time that the Disposal of all
lucrative Employments
was vested in the
Crown,
soon bethought themselves, that in Exchange for
their
Concurrence in granting Supplies, and forwarding the
Measures
of
Government,
it was but equitable that the Crown should
concur
in vesting
Them,
or their
Dependants,
with the
lucrative Employs
of State.
IF this was done, the Wheels of Government ran smooth and quiet: But if any large Body of Claimants was dissatisfied, the political Uproar began; and public Measures were obstructed or overturned.
WILLIAM the
third
found this to be the national Turn; and set himself, like a Politician, to oppose it: He therefore silenced all he could, by Places or Pensions: And hence the Origin of MAKING of PARLIAMENTS.
BUT the Art, as yet, was but in its
infant
State. The ruling Principles, which had brought about the REVOLUTION, had not as yet lost their Force: And the first Essays of Art are always rude: Time only, and Variety of Trial and Experiment, can form them into perfect Systems.
IN the mean Time, this new Principle of Self-Interest began to work deeper every Day in its Effects. As a Seat in Parliament was now found to be of considerable selfish Importance, the Contention for
Gain,
which had begun in
Town,
spread itself by Degrees into the
Country. Shires
and
Burroughs,
which in former Times had
paid
their Representatives for their Attendance in Parliament, were now the great Objects of
Request,
and
political Struggle.
AND as the
Representatives
had already found their Influence, and made their Demands on the
Crown;
so now, the
Constituents
found
their
Influence, and made
their
Demands on the
Representatives.
THUS the great Chain of political Self-Interest was at length formed; and extended from the
lowest Cobler
in a
Burrough,
to the
King's first Minister.
BUT a
Chain
of
Self-Interest
is indeed no better than a
Rope
of
Sand:
There is no
Cement
nor
Cohesion
between the Parts: There is rather a mutual
Antipathy
and
Repulsion;
the Character of
Self-Interest
being in a peculiar Sense, that of
"teres atque rotundus;"
wrapt up wholly in
itself;
and unconnected with others, unless for its own Sake. Here then, we see even this Chain itself ready to fall in Pieces, and on any sudden Thwart or Concussion, break into an Infinity of Factions.
BESIDES this, the lucrative Employs of our Country not being near so numerous as the Claimants are, in every Degree of political Power and Expectation; the Spirit of selfish Faction arose of course in its Strength, from unsatisfied Demands, and disappointed Avarice.
IT hath much been debated, whether the Ministers or the People have contributed more to the Establishment of this System of Self-Interest and Faction. On Enquiry it would probably appear, that at different Periods the Pendulum hath swung at large on both sides. It came down, in former Times, from the Minister to the Representative, from the Representative to the managing Alderman, from the Alderman to the Cobler. In later Times, the Impulse seems to have been chiefly in the contrary Direction: From the Cobler to the managing Alderman; from him, to the Member; from the Member, to the
great Man
who ruled the Burrough; and thence to the Minister. Thus, what was formerly, in the Minister, an Act of
supposed Prudence,
has of late grown into an Act of
supposed Necessity.
The
Cobler
by this Time had found his
Strength,
so the Pressure went
upwards,
till it came upon the
Ministry.
To suppose that the Servants of the Crown never attempted Measures that were known to be bad, nor ever
made
Parliaments, in order to carry their Attempts into Action, would be ridiculous: But on the other hand it is equally true, what MACHIAVEL somewhere delivers as a Maxim,
"That an ill-disposed Citizen can do no great Harm, but in an ill-disposed City."
Bribery in the Minister supposes a corrupt People.
AND, to venture a plain, tho' perhaps an unpopular Truth on this Occasion; it must be owned that a Minister is not therefore
certainly
corrupt in his
Intention,
because he
makes
a Parliament by indirect and corrupt
Means.
This Conduct, however indefensible, may arise from two opposite Causes. He may be
afraid
of the
Virtue
of a Nation, in its
opposing bad
Measures: Or he may not dare to
rely
on the
Virtue
of a Nation, in
supporting
him in
good ones.
THERE was a noted Minister in this Kingdom, who, during his long Reign, seems to have put these two Maxims in Practice, as Occasion offered. For if it was his Maxim,
"that every Man had his Price."
It was his Maxim too,
"That he was obliged to bribe the Members, not to vote
against,
but
according
to their
Conscience."
HOWEVER, this is not meant as a Vindication of his Measures. On the contrary, they seem generally to have aimed no higher than to secure present Expedients, to oblige his Friends and Dependants, and provide for his own Safety. His Capacity, even when he meant well, seems to have been too narrow to comprehend any
great Plan
of Legislation; and perhaps his Character might be drawn in these few Words,
"That while he seemed to
strengthen
the
Superstructure,
he
weakened
the
Foundations
of our
Constitution."
BUT however defective Ministers may have been in making the public Welfare the
main Object
of their Views, we may be satisfied by this Estimate of Things from the
Revolution
to the present Times, that the Nation have at least marched
"Passibus aequis."
And tho' this Work is not intended either as a Defence or an Accusation of Ministers; yet for the sake of Truth it must be said, that the eternal Clamours, of a selfish, and a factious People, against every Ministry that rises, puts one in Mind of those
Carthaginian
Armies, which being at once cowardly and insolent, ran away at Sight of an Enemy, and then
crucified
their
General,
because he did not gain the
Victory.
To return therefore to our Subject, (if, indeed, we have departed from it) evident it is, that the want of Principle hath at length firmly established a System of political Self-Interest among us, which must at all times break out into Factions; and prevent the great Effects which a national Spirit of Union would produce. Former Times, we plainly see, have been fatally infected with this selfish Spirit. Present Times,
in this respect,
are
sacred;
and therefore we speak not of them. But if the ruling Manners and present want of Principle in this Kingdom be not checked in their Carriere; we must expect that future Times will be more selfish, and therefore more factious, than those former ones, we have already described.
FOR Vanity, Luxury, and Effeminacy, (increased beyond all Belief within these twenty Years) as they are of a
selfish,
so are they of a craving and unsatisfied Nature: The present Rage of Pleasure and unmanly Dissipation hath created a Train of new Necessities, which in their Demands outstrip every possible Supply.
AND if the great Principles of Religion, Honour, and public Spirit are weak or lost among us, what effectual Check can there be upon the Great, to controul their unbounded and unwarranted Pursuit of lucrative Employments, for the Gratification of these unmanly Passions?
And whenever this happens, what can we expect as the Consequence, but a general Anarchy and Confusion? what, but that disappointed
Avarice
will kindle
Faction?
That national Union must be thwarted by selfish Regards? That no public Measure, however salutary, can be carried into Act, if it clash with any foreseen private Interest?
NAY, is it not the Duty of every Well-wisher to his Country, to consider, not only how soon this
may be,
but how far
it is
our present Situation?
WHAT other Effect can naturally arise from the Vanity, Dissipation, and Rapacity of a dissolute People? For in a Nation so circumstanced, 'tis natural to imagine, that next to Gaming and Riot, the chief Attention of the great World must be turned on the Business of
Election-jobbing,
of securing
Counties,
controuling, bribing, or buying of
Burroughs,
in a word, on the Possession of a great Parliamentary Interest?
But what an Aggravation of this Evil would arise, should ever those of the highest Rank, tho' prohibited by Act of Parliament, insult the Laws by interfering in Elections, by solliciting Votes, or procuring others to sollicit them; by influencing Elections in an avowed Defiance of their Country, and even
selling
vacant
Seats
in Parliament to the
best Bidder?
WOULD not this be a faithful Copy of degenerate and declining
Rome?
"Ea demum Romae libertas est, non Senatum, non Magistratus, non Leges, non Mores Majorum, non Instituta Patrum vereri."
AND what, can we suppose would be the real Drift of this illegitimate Waste of Time, Honour, Wealth, and Labour? might not the very Reason publickly assigned for it, be this,
"That they may strengthen themselves and Families, and thus gain a
lasting Interest
(as they call it) for their Dependants, Sons and Posterity?"
Now what would this imply but a supposed Right or Privilege of demanding lucrative Employs, as the chief Object of their View? And whence can this supposed Privilege of Demand derive its Force, but from a foreseen Power, and determined Purpose, of kindling Faction, and obstructing all public Measures, in case of Disappointment and Disgust?
WE see then, how the political System of Self-Interest is at length compleated; and a Foundation laid in our Principles and Manners for
endless Dissentions
in the State.
THUS
Faction
is established, not on
Ambition,
but on
Avarice:
on
Avarice
and
Rapacity,
for the Ends of
Dissipation.
NEED we point out particular Facts, in Confirmation of these Truths? Is not the Nation even now labouring under this fatal Malady? Is not the deadly
Bow-string
already stretched, and the
Public
gasping and expiring under the Tugs of opposed and contending Parties?
"Distractam, laceratamque Rempublicam—magis
quorum in manu sit,
quam
ut incolumis sit
quaeri
Liv.
."
SECT. V. Of the Consequences of National Disunion.
IT is not enough to have shewn in what Manner our Defect of Principle and ruling Manners have compleated the Ruin of the national Spirit of Union: If we would obtain a full View of our Subject, it is a necessary tho' disagreeable Task, to trace this
Disunion
thro' its
particular Effects.
NOW these will always vary along with the Character of the People thus divided. If the Nation be
warlike,
and the Spirit of Defence be
strong,
the Danger will generally arise from
within.
If the Nation be
effeminate,
and the Spirit of Defence be
weak,
the Danger will generally arise from
without.
The first of these was the Situation and Fate of the ancient Military Republics. That of
Corinth
was destroyed by the Faction of the
Praetor
DIAEUS and his Party. The
Athenian
Commonwealth was again and again shaken and overturned by the Weight of opposing Parties: insomuch that the History of this
Republic
may justly be styled the History of
Faction.
When degenerate Manners had destroyed the Purity of the
Spartan
Constitution and Laws of LYCURGUS, AGIS attempted to restore them, but was murdered in the generous Attempt by a Faction headed by the
Ephori.
The
Roman
Commonwealth, in its later Periods, was thrown into perpetual Convulsions by ambitious and warlike Faction, and died at last of the Malady. And, to pass by many other Proofs that might be alledged, what Rivers of Blood have been spilt in
our own Country,
among contending Factions, while the Spirit of Arms and Honour remained among us?
BUT to give every Period of Manners it's due Character, it is confessed that in the present
effeminate
tho'
factious
Times, we have no Danger of this kind to fear. For as our Manners are degenerated into those of Women, so are our Weapons of Offence.
BUT as this
Home-Security
arises only from the common
Impotence;
it is probable, that other Nations may soon know of what Materials we are made; and therefore our Danger is likely to arise from
without.
LET us then examine what Effects this national Spirit of
Disunion
must have upon us, as we stand affected by any
foreign Enemy.
It weakens the
Consistency
of all public Measures: So that no great national Scheme of Thought can be carried into Action, if it's Accomplishment demands any long. Continuity of Time.
IT weakens not only the
Consistency,
but the
Vigour
and Expedition of all publick Measures: So that while a divided People are contending about the Means of Security or Defence, a united Enemy may surprize and invade them.
These are the apparent Consequences of national Disunion: There is another not so obvious, and therefore more likely to be fatal.
WE have seen that in a Nation circumstanced like
ours,
the great Contention among those of Quality and Fortune will probably lie in the Affair of
Election Interests:
That next to effeminate Pleasure and Gaming, this (for the same End as Gaming) will of Course be the capital Pursuit: that this Interest will naturally be regarded as a kind of
Family-Fund,
for the Provision of the younger Branches: and that it's Force must arise from this Principle, that in Case the Head of the Family is not
gratified
in his lucrative Demands, he and his Dependants will raise a
Combustion
in the State.
VIEWING the Affair, then, in this Light; we shall see that, besides the general ill Influence of Faction, this Principle of Disunion must farther tend to weaken or destroy both the National
Capacity
and the national Spirit of
Defence.
FOR, in a Nation so circumstanced, thro' the Strength of this Principle, many high and important Posts, in every public and important Profession, must of Course be filled by Men, who instead of
Ability
and
Virtue,
plead this
Interest
for their
best Title.
THUS in a Time when Science, Capacity, Courage, Honour, Religion, Public Spirit, are rare; the remaining
Few
who possess these Virtues, will often be shut out from these Stations which they would fill with Honour; while every public and important Employ will abound with Men, whose
Manners
and
Principles
are of the
newest Fashion.
'Tis acknowledged there are Exceptions to the Truth of this Remark. Nay, were it necessary, the Writer could gratify his Vanity, by ranking some of these Names in the Number of his Friends. But notwithstanding these Exceptions, the general Observation will maintain it's Truth.
How indeed can it be otherwise, while the Consciousness of this Principle has any Place in the Mind? Is not the Parliament-Interest of every powerful Family continually rung in the Ears of it's Branches and Dependants? And does not this inevitably tend to relax and weaken the Application of the young Men of Quality and Fortune, and render every Man who has Reliance on this Principle, less qualified for those Stations
which
BY THIS VERY PRINCIPLE he
obtains?
For why should a Youth of Family or Fashion (thus he argues with himself)
"Why should
He
submit to the Drudgery of Schools, Colleges, Academies, Voyages, Campaigns, Fatigues, and Dangers, when he can rise to the highest Stations by the smooth and easy Path of Parliamentary Interest?"
'Tis granted, indeed, that the Sons and Relations of Men of Quality and Fortune, have not only an equal, but even a prior Claim to all high Employments in the State, provided only, they are
qualified to fill them honourably.
WE may truly add to this, that in that Period of a State, when Capacity, Courage, and Honour, form its ruling Character; those of high Quality and Degree, are generally of all others the most capable, most couragious, most honourable.
ON the contrary, where Effeminacy and selfish Vanity form the ruling Character of a People; there we may be no less certain, that those of high Rank and Quality will in general be of all others most vain, most selfish, most incapable, most effeminate.
THE Reason is permanent, and the same in both Cases:
"Because in every Period of every State, "the Influence of the
leading People,
soon or late, will form it's
leading Character."
HOW far these Truths are verified by present Facts, it were
needless,
perhaps
dangerous,
particularly to say. Let it therefore be left to the candid Consideration of every honest and impartial Man, how far several recent Events, by which both the Honour and outward Strength of this Nation have been impaired, have arisen from the prevailing Principle here delineated.
WE may conclude this Subject with a general Remark, which, together with the Result of these Observations, may form a general Maxim: That "when Factions arise from the Excess of military Spirit and the ambition of Dominion, they increase the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence: On the contrary, where Factions arise from selfish Effeminacy, the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence will certainly be weakened or destroyed
WE must not omit to observe, that there are two Professions which, even in the most selfish and effeminate Times, will generally maintain their proper Vigour: These are the Professions of
Law
and
Physic.
For as their Object is the Security of the
Property
and
Health
of Individuals, the most selfish and effeminate of Mankind will always be more attentive to the Preservation of
these,
in proportion as they are
less attentive
to the public Welfare, and lost to all generous Affections and Regards. Thus even in the most selfish and effeminate Times, the ablest
Lawyers
and
Physicians
will generally be at the Head of their Profession.
.
SUCH are the Effects of this prevailing Principle of Self-Interest and Disunion, in
high Life.
But if we take into the Account all that despicable Train of political Managers, Agents, and Burrough-Jobbers, which hang like Leeches upon the Great, nor ever quit their Hold till they are full gorged; we shall then see this reigning Evil in it's last Perfection. For here, to Incapacity and Demerit, is generally added
Insolence.
Every low Fellow of this Kind looks upon the Man of Genius, Capacity, and Virtue, as his natural Enemy. He regards him with an evil Eye; and hence undermines or defames him; as one who thwarts his Views, questions his Title, and indangers his Expectations. He must have had little Experience in the World, who has not, among
every Order,
met with flagrant Characters of this Kind, and Instances of this Truth.
THUS the public Body is
again
weakened, or rather
mutilated
in all its Limbs. And that national Spirit of
Disunion
which our Principles and Manners have produced, comes not only attended with it's proper and
immediate Effects,
but hath completed the Ruin of the national
Capacity,
and the national Spirit of
Defence.
SECT. VI.
An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the
French
Nation, considered.
WE might here close our Estimate of the public Effects of the ruling Manners and Principles of the Times; were not the Theory here established on a Number of concurrent Facts, apparently liable to an Objection.
THIS ariseth from the ruling Manners of the
French
Nation: Which being as
vain
and
effeminate
as our own, and the very Archetype from which our own are drawn, should of Course involve that Nation in the same Consequences, the same Defect of national
Capacity, Defence
and
Union:
But as these Principles of national and internal Strength are, on all hands, acknowledged to maintain their proper Vigour in
France,
where the ruling Manners are effeminate; therefore, say the Patronizers of our modern Manners,
these
cannot be the Cause of our national Miscarriages and Defects.
'TIS granted, then, that their Manners are of the same Kind: But on Examination it will appear, that whereas
ours
(as we have seen) are suffered to go on to all their proper and natural Effects;
theirs,
on the contrary, are checked and counteracted in their Effects, by a variety of Causes and Principles wholly dissimilar.
THEIR effeminate
Manners
affect not their national
Capacity,
because their Youth are assiduously trained up for all public Offices, civil, naval, military, in Schools provided at the national Expence: Here the Candidates for public Employ go thro' a severe and laborious Course of Discipline, and only expect to
rise
in
Station,
as they
rise
in
Knowledge
and
Ability.
THEIR effeminate Manners affect not their national Spirit of
Defence,
because they are controuled by the Principle of military
Honour.
This, for some Ages, hath been early instilled into every rising Generation; and is at length become so strong and universal, as to form the
national Character.
It spreads through every Rank; inspires even the meanest in the Kingdom; and pervades and actuates the whole Machine of Government, with a Force little inferior to that of public
Virtue.
IT were no incurious Subject, to investigate this peculiar Principle to it's first Causes: But
that
lies beyond the Intention of the present Design. It may be called a
peculiar
Principle, in
France,
because it is
unconnected,
nay even at
Variance
with it's Manners; and in no other Country did this Principle ever subsist in it's Strength, when
other
Principles were
weakened,
and
Manners lost.
IT may seem, perhaps, at first View, to have arisen from the civil Wars that rent the Kingdom in the Time of HENRY
the Great,
to have been transfused from thence into the gallant Reign of LOUIS, and thence heightened and delivered down to present Times.
BUT tho' it received great Heightenings in these two Reigns, yet it produced signal and peculiar Effects, before the first of these Periods, In Proof of this, we need only alledge the famous Route called the
Battle of Spurs,
when HENRY
the Eighth
of
England
invaded
France.
On this Occasion, the Body of the
French
Army giving Way thro' some sudden Panic, the Officers kept their Ground, and rather chose to be slain or taken Prisoners, than give Countenance to such an ignominious Flight.
THIS Principle, so remarkable at this Day among the FRENCH,
we
stigmatize with the Name of
false Honour.
Such as it is, it were to be wished we had more of it. It aims not, indeed at
generous
Ends, beyond a
certain Sphere:
But it is plausible, polite and splendid, in the Pursuit even of it's ungenerous Ends. In short, the Honour, like the Religion of
France,
is not
void
of Benevolence, but
confines
its Benevolence, within a
certain Pale.
'Tis
false
Honour, as it regards
other
Nations; as it regards
their own Country,
it is
true.
As this Principle in
France,
secures the national Spirit of Defence, so the
Power
of their Monarch,
aided by this Principle, secures their national Spirit of
Union.
In consequence of this, the World has accidentally seen their vast Plan of Power (formed by the great
Colbert
almost a Century ago) carried on, tho' with frequent Interruptions, and in a great Degree now accomplished, thro' a Variety of Reigns, Wars and Administrations. The
Monarch's
Power gives
Unity
and
Steddiness,
the Principle of
Honour
gives
Vigour,
to every
Movement
of the State.
THUS, in Contradiction to all known Example,
France
hath become powerful, while she seemed to lead the Way in Effeminacy: And while she hath allured her neighbour Nations, by her own Example, to drink largely of her
circaean
and
poisoned Cup
of
Manners,
hath secured her own
Health
by the
secret Antidote
of
Principle.
FORCED by this, the Character of the
French
Nation, tho' inconsistent, is respectable: They have found, or rather invented, the Art of uniting all Extremes: They have Virtues and Vices, Strengths and Weaknesses, seemingly incompatible. They are effeminate yet brave: insincere, yet honourable: hospitable, not benevolent: vain, yet subtile: splendid, not generous: warlike, yet polite: plausible, not virtuous: mercantile, yet not mean: In Trifles serious, gay in Enterprize: Women at the Toilet, Heroes in the Field: profligate in Heart; in Conduct, decent: Divided in Opinion, in Action united: In Manners weak, but strong in Principle:
Contemptible
in
private
Life; in
public, Formidable.
SECT. VII. Of the most probable Tendency of these Effects.
NOTWITHSTANDING this apparent Objection, therefore, the Principles here advanced maintain their Force. And thus we see, how our
effeminate Manners
and
Defect
of
Principle
have weakened the national Capacity, and Spiri
of Defence; and by giving a new Turn to our national
Disunion,
have still farther aggravated these ruling Evils in the State.
WHAT then is the most probable Consequence of this
national Debility?
'TIS from an
outward Enemy,
as hath been observed, that Danger is most to be apprehended.
THE FRENCH, in Land Armies, are far our Superiors: They are making large and dreadful Strides towards us, in
naval Power.
They have more
than disputed
with us the Empire of the
Mediterranean.
They are driving us from our Forts and Colonies in
America.
THESE are the steddy Effects of
their
Principles and Union; of
our
Deficiency in
both.
THESE Causes reach to, and operate, even in the
new
World.
Their Governors
of Colonies are actuated by
Honour
and their
Monarch's Power: Ours,
too commonly, by
Self-Love
and uncontrouled
Rapine. Their
Zeal and Policy direct them to make
Converts
and
Friends
of the
Indian Nations: Our
Irreligion prevents the
one;
our dishonest Treatment, the
other.
For by the best Accounts, our Colonies have in general copied, and even outgone us, in every
fashionable Degeneracy.
SHOULD the
French,
then, possess themselves of
North America,
what Eye can be so weak, as not to see the Consequence? Must not a naval Power come upon us,
equal,
if not superior to our own?
THUS by a gradual and unperceived Decline, we seem gliding down to Ruin. We laugh, we sing, we feast, we play: We
adopt
every
Vanity,
and
catch
at every
Lure,
thrown out to us by the
Nation
that is
planning
our
Destruction;
and while Fate is hanging over us, are
sightless
and thence
secure.
Were we but as
innocent
as
Blind,
we should, in our
Fondness
for
French
Manners, compleatly resemble the
Lamb
described by the
Poet:
The Lamb thy Riot dooms to bleed to Day,
Had he thy Reason, wou'd he skip and play?
Pleas'd to the last, he crops the flow'ry Food;
And
licks
the
Hand
that's
rais'd
to
shed his Blood.
PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF These MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.
SECT. I. Of a general Mistake on this Subject.
THE publick Effects of our Manners and Principles here enumerated, begin now to appear too manifest in our public Miscarriages, to be any longer derided. The Nation stands aghast at it's own Misfortunes: But, like a Man starting suddenly from Sleep, by the Noise of some approaching Ruin, knows neither whence it comes, nor how to avoid it.
IN Proof of this, we need only look into the late Instructions from Constituents to Representatives. These, we see, seldom look farther than the immediate and incidental Occasion of each particular Misconduct: While the grand general Principles in which these Misconducts have been chiefly founded, are neither seen, nor suspected: Nay, an impartial Enquiry will probably convince us, that while they strike at the Shoots and Branches, they feed the Root from whence these Misconducts have been originally derived.
FOR it seems to be the ruling Maxim of this Age and Nation, that if our Trade and Wealth are but increased, we are powerful, happy, and secure: And in estimating the real Strength of the Kingdom, the sole Question for many Years hath been,
"What Commerce and Riches the Nation is possessed of?"
A Question, which an ancient Lawgiver would have laughed at.
THERE never was a more fatal Error more greedily embraced by any People.
SECT. II.
Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on
Manners.
BY Wealth is understood, every kind of useful Possession; or Money, which is it's Sign, and may be converted into it.
BY Commerce is understood the Exchange of Wealth, for mutual Benefit.
THE Effects of Commerce on Manners have by most Writers, I think, been considered as
uniform.
Even the sage and amiable MONTESQUIEU says only, in general Terms,
"That Commerce polishes Manners, but corrupts Manners
L'Esprit des Loix, l. xx. c. 1.
."
Whereas, from a candid View of it's Nature and Effects, we shall probably find, that in it's first and middle Stages it is beneficent; in it's last, dangerous and fatal.
IF we view Commerce in its first Stages, we shall see, that it supplies mutual Necessities, prevents mutual Wants, extends mutual Knowledge, eradicates mutual Prejudice, and spreads mutual Humanity.
IF we view it in its middle and more advanced Period, we shall see, it provides Conveniencies, increaseth Numbers, coins Money, gives Birth to Arts and Science, creates equal Laws, diffuses general Plenty and general Happiness.
IF we view it in it's third and highest Stage, we shall see it change it's Nature and Effects. It brings in Superfluity and vast Wealth; begets Avarice, gross Luxury, or effeminate Refinement among the higher Ranks, together with general Loss of Principle.
CONCERNING the two first Stages of Commerce, I shall have no Dispute with the present Times: It's Benefits are generally acknowledged. The dangerous Effects of it's Exorbitance or Excess have not yet been sufficiently developed.
THAT Commerce in it's Excess brings a general Superfluity of Goods, that this general Superfluity settles in particular Hands into vast Wealth, will be readily acknowledged.
THE next Step is, to consider how vast Wealth naturally produces Avarice, Luxury, or Effeminacy, according to the Genius or Circumstances of the People among whom it comes.
INDUSTRY, in it's first Stages, is
frugal,
not
ungenerous:
It's End being that of Self-Preservation and moderate Enjoyment, it's little Superfluities are often employed in Acts of Generosity and Beneficence. But the daily Increase of Wealth by Industry, naturally increases the
Love
of Wealth. The Passion for Money, being founded, not in Sense, but Imagination, admits of no Satiety, like those which are called the natural Passions. Thus the Habit of saving Money, beyond every other Habit, gathers Strength by continued Gratification. The Attention of the whole Man is immediately turned upon it; and every other Pursuit held light when compared with the Increase of Wealth. Hence, the natural Character of the Trader, when his final Prospect is the Acquisition of Wealth, is that of
Industry
and
Avarice.
WHAT is true, in this Respect, of
trading Men,
is true of
trading Nations.
If their Commerce be that of Oeconomy in the Extreme, if the last Object of their Pursuit be Wealth for it's own Sake, if the Leaders of such a People be
commercial,
the Character of that People, and it's Leaders, will be found in
Industry
and
Avarice.
BUT if a trading Nation hath a large
Territory,
sufficient to create a
Landed Interest,
Commerce will produce very different Effects.
FOR as it multiplies Inhabitants, and brings in Wealth, it naturally increases the Value of landed Estates. Barren Grounds are cultivated, and cultivated Spots are made more fertile. Hence a vast Accession of Income to the Nobility and Gentry.
THESE Ranks of Men being not bred up to Habits of Industry; on the contrary, their increased Rents coming in unsought for, and their Time being often a Load upon them, thro' want of Capacity and Employment, the Habit of
Indulgence
comes on, and grows of Course. Additional Wealth gives the Power to gratify every Desire that rises, Leisure improves these Desires into Habits; thus Money is at length considered as no more than the Means of Gratification; and hence the genuine Character of a rich Nobility or Gentry, is that of Expence and Luxury.
BUT the first Essays of Luxury, like those of every other Art, are coarse and rude: The natural Character of Luxury, therefore, is to refine by Degrees: Especially, when assisted by Commerce, it advances apace into Refinement. For Commerce searches every Shore and Climate for it's Supplies; and Art is studious, because rewarded, in arranging and applying these Materials to the most exquisite and delicate Use. Thus every coarser Mode of Pleasure is by Degrees despised; new Habits of higher Indulgence come on: gross Luxury is banished, and Effeminacy takes it's Place.
BUT Luxury, in this
last
Period, being exhausted in it's Course; and turned, for want of new Objects of Indulgence, into Debility and Languor, would expire or sleep, were it not awakened by another Passion, which again calls it into Action. Nothing is so natural to effeminate Minds, as
Vanity.
This rouzes the luxurious and debilitated Soul; and the Arts of pleasurable Enjoyment are now pushed to their highest Degree, by the Spirit of delicate Emulation.
THUS the whole Attention of the Mind is centred on
Brillancy
and
Indulgence:
Money, tho' despised as an
End,
is greedily sought as a
Means:
And
Self,
under a different Appearance from the trading Spirit, takes equal Possession of the Soul.
THUS as the Character of a State altogether commercial in the highest Degree, is that of Industry and Avarice; so, in a Nation of extended Territory, where Commerce is in it's highest Period, while it's trading Members retain their Habits of Industry and Avarice, the natural Character of it's landed Ranks, it's Nobility and Gentry, is that of
"a vain, luxurious, and selfish Effeminacy."
WE speak here of the simple and proper Effects of Trade and Wealth, uncontrouled by opposite Manners or Principles; which, it is to be observed, never existed probably, at least in the mixed State, in their full Extent: Individuals there are, and will be, in almost every State and Period, who are influenced by dissimilar Manners or Principles: There are Traders who are generous; Nobles and Gentry whose ultimate Passion is for Gold: But such Exceptions affect not the general Principle: And tho' these incidental Mixtures
Weaken
the different Colours of different Ranks or States, yet still the different Colours remain in their Nature distinct and invariable.
'TIS probable, the Reader will have discovered, that this Reasoning is strengthened by, or rather built upon, the Examples of two neighbour Nation; one wholly commercial, that of
Holland:
The other a mixed State, compounded of a commercial and landed Interest; I mean
our own.
And to say the Truth; no two Nations perhaps ever existed, which approached so near to the full and proper Effects of the Causes here alledged.
IT will appear immediately why the Genius of the Republic of
Holland
is here analysed into its first Principles; which are simply, those of Industry and the Love of Gain.
IN the mean Time, we may justly conclude from this Argument, that the exorbitant Trade and Wealth of
England
sufficiently account for it's present
Effeminacy.
SECT. III. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on the religious Principle.
SUCH therefore are the ruling Manners which may naturally be expected in a Nation thus circumstanced, unless they be counteracted by opposite Principles: 'Tis now Time to consider the natural Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on all those salutary Principles by which these effeminate Manners can most effectually be controuled.
LET us still carry the two characteristic States of
Holland
and
England,
in our Eye.
WHETHER, then, we view the commercial State, where the Love of Money rules; or the mixed State, where vain Effeminacy predominates; we shall find both these national Characters have but a bad Aspect and Influence on every Kind of Principle. Let us first consider that of Religion.
AVARICE seems not, in it's own Nature, prone to destroy
speculative
religious Belief; but effectually to extinguish
active
religious Principle.
IT tends not to destroy speculative Belief, because this Effect must be a Work of Application, Time, and Labour: Now the Labour of Avarice is naturally bent on it's main Object,
Money;
therefore, to waste this Labour on the Propagation of the unprofitable and fruitless Doctrines of Irreligion, must ever be contrary to it's ruling Character.
BUT Avarice naturally tends to the Destruction of active religious Principles; because this is chiefly a Matter of
habitual Impression;
and therefore, in order to accomplish it's Destruction, nothing more is necessary than to
forget.
Now this requires no positive Act or Labour of the Mind, but is the natural Result from an attentive Pursuit of the favourite Object,
Money.
HENCE, in a mere commercial State, actuated by the Love of Gain, Religion is not railed at or disputed against, but only
neglected
and
forgot.
And thus, the
genuine Trader,
who never questioned the Articles of his national Faith at home, scruples not to forswear
Christianity,
and tread upon the Cross in
Japan,
and returns the same good
Christian
as he went.
BUT in the mixed State, where national Effeminacy forms the
primary,
and Avarice only the
secondary
Character, the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on religious Principle, will be widely different.
LORD
VERULAM
hath somewhere observed, that
"Times of Atheism are civil Times."
He had been much nearer the Truth, had he affirmed, that
"Civil Times are Times of Atheism."
He mistook the Cause for the Effect.
THIS Effect of national Luxury and Refinement, in producing national Irreligion, is not difficult to account for. In some Periods of a State, Opinions controul Manners; but in most Periods, Manners controul'Opinions. Where the ruling Manners coincide with the common Good, as in the middle Periods of a State, there we commonly find that a rational and beneficent System of Religion prevails: This comes to pass, because the Principles of the received Religion contradict not the ruling Manners.
BUT in the State and Period of Luxury or Refinement, active religious Principle is lost thro' the attentive Pursuit of
Pleasure;
as in the commercial State, it is lost thro' the attentive Pursuit of
Gain.
AND
speculative
Belief, in this Period, must naturally be lost along with
practical;
because
Leisure
and
Literature
having opened the Field of
Disputation,
Vice as well as Virtue will of course arm herself with every Weapon of Preservation and Offence. Luxury therefore will generally list under the Banner of Irreligion; because Religion condemns her Manners; Irreligion suffers, or approves them.
To confirm the Truth of this Reasoning, we need only observe, that in the Period of refined Luxury,
few
but they who are involved in the
Vices,
are involved in the
Irreligion
of the Times.
ONE Exception, however, must be made, with Regard to the
Writers
against Religion. For
these,
though they
promote,
yet are not often
involved
in the common Degeneracy. This Fact hath been regarded as unaccountable: that
sober
Men of Morals apparently
unblameable,
should madly unhinge the great Principle of Religion and Society, without any visible Motive or Advantage. But by looking a little farther into human Nature, we shall easily resolve this seeming Paradox. These Writers are generally Men of Speculation and Industry; and therefore though they give themselves up to the Dictates of their ruling Passion, yet that ruling Passion commonly leads to the Tract of
abstemious
Manners. That Desire of
Distinction
and
Superiority,
so natural to Man, breaks out in a thousand various and fantastic Shapes, and in each of these, according as it is directed, becomes a Virtue or a Vice. In Times of Luxury and Dissipation therefore, when every Tenet of Irreligion is greedily embraced, what Road to
present Applause
can lie so open and secure, as that of disgracing religious Belief? Especially if the Writer help forward the Vices of the Times, by
relaxing Morals,
as well as
destroying Principle.
Such a Writer can have little else to do, but to new model the Paradoxes of ancient
Scepticism,
in order to
figure it
in the World, and be regarded by the Smatterers in Literature and Adepts in Folly, as a Prodigy of Parts and Learning. Thus his
Vanity
becomes deeply criminal, and is execrated by the Wise and Good, because it is gratified at the Expence of his Country's Welfare. But the
Consolation
which degenerate Manners receive from his fatal Tenets, is repaid by eager
Praise:
And
Vice
impatiently drinks in and
applauds
his hoarse and boding Voice, while like a
Raven,
he sits croaking universal Death, Despair, and Annihilation to the human Kind.
THUS, where Manners and Religion are opposed, nothing is so natural, as that the
one
should bear down the
other.
If Religion destroy not the ruling Manners,
these
will gather Strength, and destroy Religion.
ESPECIALLY, in a Country where Freedom is established, and Manners lost through the Exorbitance of Wealth, the Duration of religious Principles can be but short. Despotism arms itself with Terror; and by checking the open and avowed
Profession,
checks in a certain Degree the
Progress
of
Impiety.
Whereas it must be acknowledged and lamented, as one of the unalterable Defects of a free Government, that
Opinion
must have its Course. The Disease is bad; but the Cure would be fatal. Thus Freedom is compelled to admit an
Enemy,
who under the Pretence and Form of an
Ally,
often proves her
Destroyer.
SECT. IV. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the Principle of Honour.
IN the mixed State, where Luxury and Effeminacy form the ruling Character of a People, the Excess of Trade and Wealth naturally tends to weaken or destroy the Principle of
Honour,
by fixing the Desire of Applause, and the Fear of Shame, on improper and ridiculous Objects. Instead of the Good of others, or the Happiness of the Public, the Object of Pursuit naturally sinks into some unmanly and trifling Circumstance: The Vanity of Dress, Entertainments, Equipage, Furniture, of course takes Possession of the Heart.
BUT in the pure commercial State, where the Love of Gain predominates among the higher Ranks, the Desire of Applause and Fear of Shame are not
perverted,
but
extinguished.
The Lust of Gold swallows up every other Passion: and a Nation of this Character can without Emotion stand the Laughter and Contempt of
Europe,
and say with the Miser,
Populus me sibilat; at mihi plaudo
Ipse Domi, simulac Nummos contemplor in Area.
IN whatever Shape, therefore, the Passion for Applause appear, whether it assume the fantastic Form of Vanity, the more solemn one of Pride, or the steady and elevated Desire of rational Esteem; we shall find this Excess of national Avarice tends to its Extinction. A great Writer indeed hath told us, that
"Vanity creates Industry
L'Esprit des Loix, l. xix. l. 9.
;"
which is true: Notwithstanding this, we have seen above, that Industry in the Excess naturally begets Avarice; and Avarice in the Excess works a total Change in the Soul, and expels that Vanity which gave it birth.
THE same great Writer hath told us,
"that Pride destroys Industry
Ibid.
;"
the Reverse of which holds equally true:
"that Industry destroys Pride:"
We speak here of Pride in the blameable Sense, as when it riseth into blind and overbearing
Insolence.
Industry in the moderate Degree tends to destroy this contemptuous Spirit, by introducing Knowledge and Equality: and in this Respect, as in most others, is attended with excellent Effects.
BUT the Spirit of Trade in its Excess, by introducing Avarice, destroys the Desire of
rational Esteem.
In Confirmation of this, we need only cast our Eyes on the HOLLANDERS and CHINESE, among whom the trading Spirit is almost in its unmixed Perfection: The one is the most
mercenary,
the other the most
thieving
of all Nations.
SECT. V. Of their Effects on public Spirit.
THIS Part of our Subject needs little Investigation. For both in the commercial and mixed State, it appears, that exorbitant Trade and Wealth tend naturally to turn all the Attention of Individuals on
selfish
Gratification.
THEREFORE they must of course generally tend to destroy the Principle of public Spirit: because
this
implies, that our Attention and Regard is turned on
others.
IN the commercial State, Avarice represents
Wealth,
in the mixed State Effeminacy represents
Pleasure,
as the
chief Good.
Both these Delusions tend to the Extinction of public Spirit.
THESE Delusions create a new Train of Wants, Fears, Hopes, and Wishes: All these terminating in selfish Regard, naturally destroy every Effort of generous and public Principle.
SECT. VI. Farther Remarks on this Subject.
IN Consequence of these Remarks, some farther Distinctions will arise.
THUS, the religious Principle will
seem
to exist in the commercial State, where Avarice forms the national Character; while in the mixed State where Luxury and Effeminacy predominate, it is evidently destroyed. The Reason is, that in the first, although active Principle is lost, speculative Belief is not controverted: Whereas, in the latter, not only active Principle is lost, but Religion itself (if such a State be free) is publickly insulted and derided. Thus in
Holland,
Religion
seems
yet to exist; while in
England
it is evidently destroyed.
ON the contrary, the Principle of Honour will seem to exist in the mixed State, where luxurious Effeminacy forms the primary Character of the Nation; while in the commercial State, where Avarice predominates, the Principle is evidently no more. The Reason is, that in the former, the Love of Applause and Fear of Shame are not wholly destroyed, but perverted, and turned upon unworthy Objects; while in the latter, the Passion itself is totally extinguished. Thus the faint Appearance of Honour yet remains in
England,
while in
Holland
it is manifestly destroyed.
BUT as modern
Dutch
Religion, and modern
English
Honour, seem no more than the Ghosts of departed Principles, so they have precisely those Effects, which may reasonably be expected from such shadowy Non-Entities.
AGAIN: The Colours or Characters of Industry and Avarice will naturally be
strong
in the commercial State: because, being almost wholly unmixed with Manners of a dissimilar Nature, the ruling Genius of the State is left uncontrouled, to its proper Operations and Effects.
BUT in the mixed State, where Industry and Love of Gain form the Character of the
secondary
Ranks; Dissipation and Effeminacy, of the
higher;
there the two separate Characters, by the Force of incidental Coalition and Example, will always influence each other in a certain Degree. Some ambitious Traders will aspire to luxurious Effeminacy: Some, of the higher Orders, will descend to Industry and Merchandise. Thus each Rank must be tinctured with a Colour different from its own; and hence, the general Colour or Character of each of these Ranks, will, in some measure be controuled and
weakened.
THIS Circumstance is favourable to the mixed State, beyond that which is purely commercial; as it checks in a certain Degree the Virulence of the Excess; and produceth a national Character in some Measure approaching that of more moderate Trade and Wealth.
HENCE too it follows, that a State purely commerical, when once arrived at the Period of exorbitant Wealth, will naturally degenerate
faster
than that which is compounded of Commerce and Luxury. For whatever Causes check the ruling Manners in their
Degree,
will check them in their
Consequences.
BUT beyond this, there is another Reason, why the State purely commercial will degenerate faster than the mixed State. In the commercial State, the ruling Manners go Hand in Hand with the Exorbitance of Wealth; because the Love of Gain, which forms the leading Character, being likewise the leading Motive, must be even prior to this Exorbitance in the Order of our Ideas; and therefore, in its Effects, must be at least contemporary.
BUT in the mixed State, there will always be a short Period between the national Exorbitance of Wealth, and the national Increase of luxurious Effeminacy: because Manners, once got into a certain Track, are not at once thrown out of it. There must be a short Period, before the leading Parts of the Nation can
feel
their Increase of Wealth; and after this, another Period, before new and more refined Modes of Pleasure can be invented.
HENCE a neighbouring Republic seems to have well nigh filled up the Measure of its Iniquities; while
ours,
as yet, are only rising towards the
Brim.
LASTLY; though the ruling Manners of such a mixed State are luxurious and effeminate, yet its public Measures will be
commercial.
First, because Commerce is the Hand-Maid of
Wealth,
and therefore of
Pleasure.
Secondly, because the Idea of national Strength as well Happiness being degenerated into that of Wealth and external Good, Commerce will above all Things be naturally encouraged, because it is the Means of procuring them.
SECT. VII. A Review of the Argument.
THUS our present exorbitant Degree of Trade and Wealth, in a mixed State like that of
England,
naturally tends to produce luxurious and effeminate Manners in the higher Ranks, together with a general Defect of
Principle.
And as the internal Strength of a Nation will always depend chiefly on the Manners and Principles of it's leading Members, so these effeminate Manners and this Defect of Principle operate powerfully, and fatally, on the national Conduct and Affairs. They have produced a general Incapacity, have weakened the national Spirit of Defence, have heightened the national Disunion: And this national Disunion, besides it's proper and immediate Effects, being founded in Avarice for the Ends of Dissipation, hath again weakened the small Remainder of publick Capacity and Defence; and thus seems to have fitted us for a Prey to the Insults and Invasions of our most powerful Enemy.
SECT. VIII. An Objection considered.
THO' this Estimate may appear
just
to those who take an enlarged View of Things in their Principles and Consequences; yet I am not ignorant of certain Maxims, generally approved, and hardly even disputed among modern Politicians, which if true, would weaken or overturn these accumulated Proofs.
THE capital Maxim, which seems to include the rest, is this;
"That vast Trade and Wealth, above all things make a Nation powerful and invincible, as they increase it's Numbers, enable it to pay it's Fleets and Armies, provide continual Supplies for War; and thus, in the End, tire out and defeat every Enemy, whose Wealth and Commerce are inferior."
THE Examination of this Maxim will throw many strong collateral Lights upon our main Subject.
First it affirms,
"That Trade and Wealth make a Nation strong, because they make it populous."
This indeed is true of the first and second Periods of Trade and Wealth: That it is true of the
third
or
highest
Period, of which
England
is now possessed, may very reasonably be questioned. In the first Period, Industry is chiefly employed in cultivating the Lands, in encreasing, manufacturing, and exchanging the Produce of the Mother Country. These Branches of Trade call for vast additional Numbers of Hands; and hence an Increase of Numbers naturally ariseth.
THE same Effect takes Place in the second Period of Trade; so far as home Productions are
exchanged
for foreign ones. This Stage of Commerce brings on a fresh Demand of Artificers of new and various Kinds, produces and Increase of Labour, and therefore of Inhabitants.
BUT in the third or highest Period of Trade, of which
England
is now possessed, there are very extensive Branches of Commerce, which bring no new Accession of Numbers to the Commonwealth. I mean, all those Branches of Commerce, where
Money
is sent and exchanged for
foreign
Goods. This Species of Trade occasions little Increase of
Labour,
and therefore less of
Numbers;
except only of those few who navigate the Vessels thus employed, to their respective Ports. And as this kind of Trade will always grow and predominate, in proportion as a Nation becomes more luxurious and effeminate, so for this Reason the highest Stage of Trade is not naturally attended with the highest Increase of Labour, nor consequently of
Numbers,
as is commonly imagined. Besides this, in the refined Period, additional Art and Experience in Labour prevent, in some Measure, the Increase of Numbers. By the Invention of Machines, an equal Degree both of Tillage and Trade is carried on by fewer Hands, than in the simpler Periods; and therefore the Increase of Numbers is
by no means proportional to the Increase of Commerce and Wealth.
BUT these are far from being the only Considerations worth our Notice on this Subject. For when we speak of any Stage of Trade, we must in Reason take in
every
Circumstance which naturally attends it. There are other Causes, therefore, why Numbers increase not, but rather naturally
diminish,
in the highest Period of Trade and Wealth.
FOR
first,
the Vanity and Effeminacy which this exorbitant Pitch of Wealth brings on, lessens the Desire of Marriage.
Secondly,
the Intemperance and Disease which this Period of Trade naturally produceth among the
lower Ranks
in great Cities, bring on in some Degree an Impotence of Propagation.
Thirdly,
This Debility is always attended with a Shortness of Life, both in the Parents and the Offspring; and therefore a still farther Diminution of Numbers follows on the whole.
MATTER of Fact confirms these Reasonings; and lies open to every Man's Observation. Since the first Increase of Tillage and Home-manufactures, the Increase of Inhabitants hath been great in
England:
Since the vast Increase of foreign Commerce, the Increase of Numbers is hardly perceivable. Nay, there is great Reason to believe, that upon the whole, the Nation is less populous than it was fifty Years ago, tho' it's Trade perhaps is doubled. Some trading Towns indeed are better peopled, but others are thinned by the Flux of Commerce. The Metropolis seems to augment in its Dimensions: But it appears, by the best Calculations, that it's Numbers are diminished; And as to the Villages thro'
England,
there is great Reason to believe, they are in general at a Stand, and many of them thinner of Inhabitants than in the Beginning of this Century. 'Tis hard to obtain Certainty in this Particular, without a general Examination and Comparison. But it appears by the Registers of some
Country
Parishes, which I have looked into, that from the Year 1550 to 1710, the Number of Inhabitants increased gradually; the two Extremes being to each other, as 57 to 72; and that from 1710 to the present Time, the Number has been at a Stand, if not rather diminished.
BUT suppose, what there is no Reason to believe, that our present Excess of Trade and Overflow of Wealth have in some Degree increased our
Numbers,
yet it will probably appear, that they have as much, at least, impaired our
bodily Strength.
For as
Temperance
is the ruling Character of the middle Stage of Commerce, so is
Intemperance
of the highest. Hence, Health and Strength prevail in the first; Disease and Debility in the latter. This is universally confirmed by Fact: Villages abounding with Health; commercial Cities with Disease. So that an Army taken from the Villages, with equal Commanders, Arms, and Discipline, would drive the same Number of debilitated Gin-drinkers, like a Flock of Geese before them.
THE Author of the
Fable of the Bees
made his Boast, that the Wisdom of the Legislature had, upon his Plan, adopted the Encouragement of this pernicious Liquid: But the same Wisdom hath upon Trial been obliged to
discourage
the Use of this malignant Spirit; as they found that it ruined the Health, and shortened the Lives, of half the lower Ranks in
London.
AND all good Men hope, that the Time will come, when this infernal Potion will be laid under such Discouragements, as may amount to a general Prohibition. The Necessity of such a Reformation grows greater every Day, not only in
London,
but throughout the Kingdom. For in some Villages in
England
there is now a greater Quantity of Gin consumed than of Ale.
BUT to quit these inferior Considerations, tho' they all unite in confirming the Theory here advanced; the Weight of the Reply lies indeed in another Circumstance: For altho' we should admit (what is not true) that our present Exorbitance of Trade and Wealth increased our Numbers and bodily Force, yet as the real and essential Strength of a Nation consists in the Manners and Principles of it's
leading Part;
and as our present Excess of Trade and Wealth hath produced such fatal Effects on these Manners and Principles; no Increase of Numbers in the inferior Ranks can possibly make amends for this internal and capital Defect. Such a Nation can, at best, only resemble a large
Body,
actuated (yet hardly actuated) by an incapable, a vain, a dastardly, and effeminate
Soul.
BUT the Maxim we are engaged to obviate, alledges farther, that
"This exorbitant Increase of Trade and Wealth enables a Nation to pay it's Fleets and Armies, and afford continual Supplies for War."
Yet, even this Part of the Maxim, in it's modern Acceptation, is far beyond the Truth.
FOR under the present Stage of Trade, the Increase of Wealth is by no means equally or proportionally diffused: The Trader reaps the main Profit: after him, the Landlord, in a lower Degree: But the common Artificer, and still more the common Labourer, gain little by the exorbitant Advance of Trade: It is true, their Wages are increased; but so are the Prices of Provisions too: and therefore they are no richer than before. Now Taxes and public Supplies are raised upon the Consumer: and as it appears from hence, that only a few of the Consumers are made richer by the Exorbitance of Trade, it follows, that not the Nation in general, but a select Number of Individuals only, are made more capable of contributing to those Supplies, which are levied without Distinction on the
whole.
Would they who reap the plenteous Harvest of foreign Trade, generously allot their proportional and extraordinary Gains to the Service of the Public, we should then indeed be furnished with a
new
Argument in Favour of Commerce in it's highest Pitch.
FARTHER: As the labouring Ranks are little or nothing enriched by the exorbitant Degree of Trade, so it often happens that even the higher Ranks, and the Nation in general, are not
more,
nay perhaps
less
enabled to contribute to the public Supplies, than when possessed of Wealth in a more moderate Degree. For we have seen, in the Progress of this Estimate, that the natural Effect of an Increase of Wealth, is an Increase of Luxury, Vanity, and Expence; which, if it outrun the Increase of Wealth, as in it's Nature it tends to do, instead of Riches will bring on public Poverty. For the Ability or Wealth of a People, considered in their Capacity for raising Supplies, consists not in the Largeness of their Income, but in the Proportion of their Expences to their Income: It consists not in
"what they
have,"
but
"what they can
Spare?"
Hence it appears, that a Nation may be at once very
rich,
and very
poor;
rich in Income, but poor thro' Extravagance. And as national Extravagance is the natural Effect of an Overflow of Wealth, so national Indigence is it's most natural and final Consequence. How far this is our present Situation, can hardly be necessary to affirm.
To this Argument it may possibly be objected, that if great Wealth is but among us, new Imposts will naturally
force
it into Circulation: That the more the Artificers and Labourers are taxed, the more their Wages will increase, and consequently their Ability to bear the increasing Taxes: And that as to the higher Ranks, exorbitant Wealth
enables
them still better to endure additional Imposts, because these deprive the Great of nothing but the Superfluities of Vanity and Luxury.
To this it is replied, that in Case of additional Taxes, tho' the Poor
must
indeed increase their Wages in order to subsist, yet this Increase never takes Place, till they are compelled by the last
Necessity
and
Want:
The natural Consequence of which must be Murmurs, Sedition, and Tumults. With Regard to the higher Ranks, a parallel Reply may suffice: For in the refined Period, when Manners and Principles are lost, the Luxuries of Life become
Necessaries
among the Great; and therefore will be as obstinately adhered to, and quitted with the same Reluctance, as Food and Cloathing by the
Poor.
The Consequence therefore must be the same; a general Discontent and Disaffection to the Government, among the higher Ranks of Life.
IS not all this confirmed by evident Facts; There is at present in this Nation a Mass of Wealth at least twelve Times more than the publick Debt: Yet we are reduced to the sad Necessity of plunging deeper every Day. What is the Reason? No Ministry dares to provoke and exasperate a luxurious and selfish Nation, by demanding such Sums, as every one has the
Power
had he but the
Will,
to bestow.
BUT beyond all this, will any Man of Sense assert, that the Circumstance of
paying
an Army or a Fleet, is the one thing that will decide a War? 'Tis true, indeed, Provisions, Arms, Ammunition are necessary; and therefore
Wealth,
because it procures them. But will a General or Admiral therefore gain the Victory, only because his Men are furnished with Provisions, Arms, and Ammunition? If not, what can Trade or Wealth do, towards making a Nation victorious? Again, therefore, let me remind my Countrymen, that the capital Question still remains, not
"who shall
pay,"
"but who shall
fight?"
THERE is a trite Observation on Foot, indeed, drawn from the best political Writers ill understood, that
"the Principles of War are wholly changed; and that not the Nation who has the best
Troops,
but the longest
Purse,
will in the End obtain the Victory."
This, in the modern Application of it, is a most dangerous Maxim. It naturally tends to extinguish military Skill, as well as Honour: and will inevitably sink the People that maintains it, into a Nat
on of defenseless and Money-getting Cowards.
IT must be confessed that Doctor DAVENANT, the most able Writer on these Subjects, hath affirmed,
"That now, the whole Art of War is in a Manner reduced to Money; and now-a-days, that Prince who can best find Money to feed, cloath, and pay his Army, not he that hath the most valiant Troops, is surest of Success and Conquest
Ways and Means, p. 27. v. ii. p. 13.
."
This Declaration, which is now stolen and retailed for new, by every modern Dabler in Politics, has had the usual Fortune of these kind of Thefts, to be misunderstood: as may appear from the general Tenor of the Doctor's Writings. To shew this, two Instances, out of many may suffice. Even when speaking on the Benefits of foreign Trade, he warns us, as if he had foreseen all that has befallen, or is likely to befall us. For he says,
"If a trading and rich People are grown soft and luxurious, their Wealth will invite over to them Invaders from Abroad, and their being
effeminate
will make the Conquest easy
Dav. on Trade,
."
And again, in Terms yet stronger:
"In succeeding Times our Manners may come to be depraved; and when this happens, all Sorts of Miseries will invade us: The whole Wealth of the Kingdom will not be sufficient for it's Defence
Ibid. p. 317.
."
THUS, what he and other sensible Writers have affirmed under proper Restrictions, and upon Supposition that a Nation maintained it's Manners and Principles, is now advanced absolutely, and without Restriction, as if Manners and Principles, military and naval Skill and Courage, had no Part, or at least no essential Part, in the Success of War.
THESE shallow Politicians, therefore, might well be put in Mind of the Maxim of a warlike Prince, when his Ministers dissuaded him from attacking a wealthy Enemy, because he wanted Money to pay his Troops:
"My Enemies, said he, are rich, luxurious, and effeminate; my Troops are valiant and hardy; my Officers brave and honourable; they shall plant
my
Standard in my Enemy's Country, and then
my Enemy shall pay them."
WE have lately seen this military Conduct followed by a brave King, in the Electorate of
Saxony:
We ourselves have formerly pursued it on the Plains of
Agincourt
and
Cressi:
The
French
are now pursuing it on the Plains of
America:
And if we hold to our dastardly Maxim, they will pursue it on the Plains of
Salisbury.
THUS the boasted modern Maxim which we proposed to obviate, seems void of Truth in every Branch of it: As it appears from this View, that without the internal Strength which Manners and Principles produce, the most exorbitant Trade and Wealth can never be the Foundation of a successful War; or give us any rational Prospect, either of
Victory
or
Self-Defence.
SECT. IX. Another Objection considered.
SUCH then are the natural Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, unless counteracted by opposite Manners or Principles. The History of our own Nation would confirm these Truths in a most striking and particular Manner, were it within the proposed Limits of this Estimate, to enter so large a Field of Enquiry. We should there see, that Manners and Principles have always prevailed, and baffled the most sanguine Attempts of Wealth, when set in Competition with them. This System would be found supported by a vast Variety of Events, from the Reign of
Elizabeth
to the present Times. But this might perhaps be regarded as a Research rather curious than necessary; since a single Reflection on the present State of the Kingdom may seem to stand in the Place of a thousand Proofs.
AT present, therefore, we shall not touch on this Enquiry; but rather proceed to remove another Objection, which may seem to overturn the Theory here proposed.
FOR it is urged, that
France
is an Exception to the Truth of these Remarks: inasmuch as, in the midst of a large and extensive Commerce, which brings in a vast Accession of Wealth, she stills retains her Principles and Power.
THE Fact objected is true: but the Consequence follows not; because the Trade of
France
is limited and controuled by such Accidents, as prevent it's most dangerous and ruinous Effects on Government
THE
Poverty
of its
Noblesse
or leading Ranks, who are often possessed of sounding Titles without any Realities annexed, as it prevents them from reaping that Increase of Wealth which naturally ariseth to a rich Landed Gentry from an Increase of Commerce, so it naturally drives them to the Profession of
Arms,
as the necessary Means of Support: This strengthens and supports their Monarchy; which, finding it's Advantage from this Disposition to Arms, naturally gratifies this military Spirit in it's
Noblesse,
and gives it Exercise and Encouragement by frequent Wars.
HENCE the national Spirit of the
French Noblesse
hath long been military, in the highest Degree.
WITH Regard to Commerce, it's Growth in
France
hath been but late: Meeting therefore with this established Spirit of Arms in the leading Ranks, it hath not as yet been able to controul it. Commerce indeed is encouraged; but so encouraged, as not to destroy the leading Principle of their Monarchy. To this End, the Ranks of the Kingdom are kept essentially distinguished; and while the People are allured to Trade by every Kind of Motive, the
Noblesse
or Gentry are, in Honour, prohibited from Commerce. It was indeed formerly proposed in
France,
that the
Noblesse
should be drawn down to Trade: But, whether thro' deep and consummate Policy, or thro' the Principle of Honour itself, working blindly for it's own Preservation, the dangerous Proposal was
weakly
or
wisely
rejected. Whenever this Overture meets with Acceptance and Success, tho' it may seem for a while to give Vigour to their State, yet from that Period we may date the Downfall of
France.
Their effeminate Manners, now controuled by
Oeconomy
and the Love of
Glory,
will, like ours, degenerate into
Profusion
and the Love of
Gold.
ON the contrary; Trade, tho' encouraged, is by the ruling Principle of this great Monarchy, kept within it's proper Limits; and while the Merchant traverseth Seas in Pursuit of
Gain,
the Gentleman does the same in Pursuit of
Glory.
Thus the two incompatible Provinces are kept distinct; and hence, while the
French
vie with us in
Trade,
they tower above us in
Principle.
NAY their very trading Settlements among foreign Nations are actuated by this ruling Principle in such a Manner, as to give a Splendor to their Monarchy and Commerce in the most barbarous Climates
Numerous Proofs might be given of this: At present it may suffice to take one from a very fine Book lately published.
"It is usual among the
French
of
Alexandria
to shew an extreme Respect for their Consul. In order to make him more considerable in the Eyes of the
Turks,
and of the other Nations, they endeavour to give an high Idea of his Person, and to illustrate his Birth in such a Manner, that it is not their Fault, if he is not considered as issued from the Blood Royal. If by Chance he take a Tour to
Rosetto,
he carries a white Flag at the Mast of his Pinnace; and when he goes out of the Port, as likewise when he returns into it, he is saluted by a general Discharge of the Cannon of the
French
Vessels."
NORDEN'S Travels in
Egypt
and
Nubia,
Vol. i. p. 29.
. Thus, while
we
are poorly influenced by a sorry and mercantile Maxim, first broached by a trading Minister,
"that the
Interest
of a Nation is it's
truest
Honour;"
the
French
conduct themselves on an opposite and higher Principle,
"that the
Honour
of a Nation is its truest Interest."
IN Confirmation of what is here advanced, we need only cast our Eyes on the Fortune and Fate of
France,
during the present Century. In the last War, she was exhausted, tho' victorious: in the former, she was both beaten and exhausted: In both these Instances, it was weakly thought by every superficial Politician in
England,
that because we had exhausted the Men and Money, we had destroyed the Power of
France.
Experience hath told us the Reverse: The Spirit of Honour and Union working at the Root, soon restored those Branches that War had swept away, and have at length shot them into their former Vigour and Luxuriancy.
HENCE then, we may learn an important Truth:
"That no incidental Events can make a Nation
little,
while the Principles remain that made it
great."
SECT. X. The Conclusion
FROM these accumulated Proofs, then it seems evident, that our present effeminate Manners and Defect of Principle have arisen from our exorbitant Trade and Wealth, left without Check, to their natural Operations and uncontrouled Influence. And that these Manners, and this Defect of Principle, by weakening or destroying the national Capacity, Spirit of Defence, and Union, have produced such a general Debility as naturally leads to Destruction.
WE might now proceed to confirm these Reasonings, by Examples drawn from History. For there is hardly an ancient or modern State of any Note recorded in Story, which would not in one Respect or other, confirm the leading Principles on which this Argument is built.
IN these, throughout their several Periods, we should see
Trade
and
Wealth,
or (what is in this respect equivalent)
Conquest
and
Opulence,
taking their Progress: At one Period, polishing and strengthening; at another, refining, corrupting, weakening, destroying, the State that gave them Entrance: Working indeed in different Ways, and under a Variety of Appearances; by Avarice, by Faction, by Effeminacy, by Profligacy; by a Mixture and Combination of all these Evils: sometimes dividing a Nation against itself; at others, quelling it's Spirit, and leaving it an easy Prey to the first Invader: Sometimes checked by a rising Patriot, or counterworked by national Misfortunes: In one Country corrupting Manners; in another, Principles; in a third, both Manners and Principles: rendering one People blind, another cowardly, another treacherous to itself: Stealing secretly and insensibly on one Nation; overwhelming another in sudden Destruction.
BUT to enlarge on these Subjects in that vague and undistinguishing Manner, which most Writers have pursued in treating them, tho' it might carry the
Appearance
of Reasoning, would in Truth be no more than
Declamation
in Disguise. And to develope and unravel the Particularity of Causes and Effects, thro' all their Variety of Combination and mutual Influence, as it would extend this Estimate beyond it's designed Limits, must be left to make a Part of some future Enquiry.
THE
Character, Effects,
and
Sources
of our Manners and Principles, being thus laid open, the Writer had it in his Thoughts to have proceeded to the Consideration of
"their most practicable Remedies."
But as the Closet-
Projects
of retired and speculative Men, often
are,
and always are
reguarded,
as
chimerical;
he was therefore unwilling, at present, to hazard the Discredit of such an Attempt.
HOWEVER, lest his Attempt should be deemed more visionary than perhaps it is, he judged it not improper to hint at some of the leading Principles on which it is built. And with this View, the following Reflections are submitted to the Consideration of the Public.
THE World has been long amused with a trite and hacknied Comparison between the Life of Man, and that of States; in which it is pretended that they both proceed in the same irrevocable Manner; from Infancy to Maturity, from Maturity to Death: A Comparison, perhaps as groundless as it is common. The human Body contains, in its very Texture, the Seeds of certain Dissolution. That is, tho' you set aside all the possible Accidents arising from Intemperance, from the Influence of the Elements, the Climate, and every other external and contingent Cause the human Frame itself, after a certain Period, would grow into Rigidity; the Fluids would decrease, the Solids accumulate, the Arteries
ossify,
the Blood stagnate, and the Wheels of Life stand still.
BUT in Societies, of whatever Kind, there seems no such necessary or essential Tendency to Dissolution. The human Body is
naturally
mortal; the political, only so by
Accident:
Internal Disorders or Diseases may arise; External Violence may attack or overpower: but these Causes, tho' always to be expected, are wholly incidental: the first is precisely of the same Nature as Intemperance, the second as the Influence of the external Elements, on the human Body. But there appears nothing in the internal Construction of any State, that tends inevitably to Dissolution, analogous to those Causes in the human Frame, which lead to certain Death.
THIS Observation seems confirmed by History: Where you see States, which, after being sunk in Corruption and Debility, have been brought back to the Vigour of their first Principles: But you must have recourse to Fables, for medicated Old Age, restored to Infancy or Youth.
IF this be true, it seems not altogether chimerical, tho' confessedly difficult, to bring about the Reformation of a State. To lay down general Rules, in such a Case, would be like giving a
Panacea;
the very
Empiricism
of Politics. The Remedies must be suited to the Disease.
WE have seen, that the ruling Evils of our Age and Nation have arisen from the unheeded Consequences of our Trade and Wealth. That these have produced effeminate Manners, and occasioned Loss of Principle: That these have brought on a national Debility. But would the lessening this exorbitant Trade and Wealth bring back Manners and Principles, and restore the Nation's Strength?—I very much Question the Event.
BUT whatever the Consequences might be at
Home,
those
Abroad
would certainly be fatal. The
French
are every Day gaining upon us in Commerce; and if ours should lessen, theirs would increase to our Destruction.
THUS are we fallen into a kind of Dilemma: If our Commerce be maintained or increased, its Effects bid fair to destroy us: If Commerce be discouraged and lessened, the growing Power of our Enemy threatens the same Consequence.
THERE seems, then, no other Expedient than this,
"That Commerce and Wealth be not discouraged in their
Growth;
but checked and
controuled in their Effects."
AND even in attempting this, Care must be had, lest in controuling the Effects of Commerce, we should destroy Commerce itself.
WE see how strongly the natural Effects of Trade and Wealth, are controuled in
France,
by proper Checks and counteracting Principles: Yet mere Imitation is always a narrow, and often an ineffectual Scheme. Besides, as our Constitution is of a superior Nature, so our Manners and Principles must be adapted to it, ere it can obtain it's proper Strength.
THE Virtues yet left among us, and enumerated above
See Part I. Sect. 2, 3, 4.
, may be a possible Foundation for such a Change.
THERE are two different Kinds of Remedies, which might in due Time be applied. The first are radical, general, and lasting: The latter, palliative, particular, and temporary.
THE first seem totally impracticable at
present:
For as they suppose a Change of Manners and Principles, this may justly be regarded as an impossible Event, during the present Age; and rather to be wished than hoped for, in the next.
THE palliative, particular, and temporary Remedies, may seem more practicable at this Juncture. I mean, those which are of the coercive Kind; which work by opposed Passions, or by destroying the Opportunities or Occasions of Evil. Where the ruling Mischiefs lie among the People, these Remedies, with proper Care, may easily be administered. Thus we have lately seen the salutary Effects of a new Kind of Police, established by a useful Magistrate in the City of
London;
by which, the reigning Evil of
Street-Robberies
hath been almost wholly suppressed; altho' we may reasonably suppose, the Disposition towards them remains as strong as ever.
BUT where the ruling Mischief desolates the Great, there, even the palliative Remedies cannot easily be applied: The Reason is manifest: A coercive Power is wanting: They who should cure the Evil are the very Delinquents: And moral or political Physic is what no distempered Mind will ever administer to itself.
NECESSITY therefore, and
Necessity alone,
must in such a Case be the Parent of Reformation. So long as degenerate and unprincipled Manners can support themselves, they will be deaf to Reason, blind to Consequences, and obstinate in the
long
established Pursuit of
Gain
and
Pleasure.
In such Minds, the Idea of a Public has no Place; and therefore can never be a Curb to private Gratification: Nor can such Minds be ever awakened from their fatal Dream, till either the Voice of an abused People rouse them into Fear; or the State itself totter, thro' the general Incapacity, Cowardice, and Disunion of those who should support it.
WHENEVER this compelling Power,
Necessity,
shall appear; then, and not till then, may we hope that our Deliverance is at hand. Effeminacy, Rapacity, and Faction, will then be ready to resign the Reins they would now usurp: One common Danger will create one common Interest: Virtue may rise on the Ruins of Corruption; and a despairing Nation yet be saved, by the Wisdom, the Integrity, and unshaken Courage, of SOME GREAT MINISTER.
FINIS.
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